Moe Factz with Adam Curry

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Description

Moe Factz with Adam Curry

Episode Date
49: Brothas Be Voting

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for September 19th 2020, Episode number 49

"Brothas Be Voting"

Description

Adam and Moe review the Democratic and Republican conventions, who the parties were speaking to and they deconstruct it all the way down the Chaotic Magic rabbit hole

Executive Producers:

James

Jackie Greene

Cole Calistra

Nastassja Findley

Branden Kollmar

Frankie G

Anonymous Please

Daniel Huttner

Brian Rogers

Steve Allen

Associate Executive Producers:

Theodora Dorinda Ongena

gunter weber

Elvis Rosenberg

Episode 49 Club Members

Occult Fan

Sir Spencer, Wolf of Kansas City & Dame DuhLaurien

ShowNotes

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Dr. Umar Johnson is a Doctor of Clinical Psychology and Certified School Psychologist who is considered an expert on the education and mental health of Afrikan and Afrikan-American children. Dr. Umar, as he is known to friends, is a paternal kinsman to both the Great Abolitionist Frederick Douglass (1818-1895) and the late Bishop Alexander Wayman (1821-1895), 7th Bishop of the AME Church, both from Maryland's Eastern Shore.Dr. Umar is founder and lead tour guide for the "Unapologetically Afrikan" Black College & Consciousness Tour for 11 thru 17-year-old boys & girls which exposes them to the great historical Black College tradition, within the context of visiting and learning about significant places and personalities that helped shaped the global Afrikan struggle for freedom and independence. This tour is held annually during the first two weeks of July.

The Prince of Pan-Afrikanism hosts a free regular weekly Black parent teleconference every Tuesday morning from 6-8am EST where he gives free educational and mental health consultations to community members in order to help them better advocate for Black children. Dr. Umar's name, quotes and speeches have been mentioned and shared on records and songs by various Hip-Hop artists more than any other living scholar. In addition, his image has been re-created by various Black artists more than any other scholar of the 21st century.

The most requested Black scholar in America also hosts a regular annual "Unapologetically Afrikan" Group tour to the Afrikan continent, which takes place the last week in July and first week in August. This tour, which always includes stops in two different countries, is designed to help Afrikans in the west reestablish their psycho-spiritual connection to their ancestral homeland.

A direct descendant of formerly enslaved civil war veterans who served in the United States Colored Troops of Maryland, Dr. Umar is an educational diagnostician who specializes in special education issues. He is known most for his work in identifying mis-diagnosed learning disabled and ADHD students.

Dr. Umar has been featured on News One Now, the Tom Joyner Morning Show, the Bev Smith Show, The Breakfast Club, as has appeared as a special guest life coach on Real Housewives of Atlanta(RHOA8). As a child therapist, he works with depressed and behaviorally-challenged males.

Dr. Umar is author of the book "Psycho-Academic Holocaust: The Special Education and ADHD Wars Against Black Boys," the 1st book ever written by a African-American male school psychologist to Black parents with specific strategies on how to fight back against special education and ADHD misdiagnoses. Dr.Umar also holds degrees in education and political science.Dr. Johnson is preparing to begin organizing his National Independent Black Ex-Offender Association (NIBEA), also known as "The New Underground Railroad," in order to advocate for rights on behalf of previously incarcerated Black women, men & children, and to prevent their recidivism. Dr. Umar is founder of the "Unapologetically Afrikan," "Unapologetically Black," & "Afrikan Family First" movements.

Dr. Umar is founder & president of the National Independent Black Parent Association (NIBPA) organized to fight against educational and academic racism & disproportionality in the 7 core areas of a) special education, b) school discipline, c) school finance, d) social support/services, e) school policy, f) home schooling, and g) parent advocacy.

One of the most recognized social scientists & Pan-Afrikanists of the 21st Century, his book, articles and lectures are included by college and university professors across the country within their required course materials. Dr. Umar is one of the most requested speakers in the world, and has lectured in North America, South America, The Caribbean, Europe and Afrika.

Dr. Umar is currently working on building his new school, The Frederick Douglass & Marcus Garvey RBG International Leadership Academy for Boys, America's first residential academy for Black boys founded upon the principles of Pan-Afrikanism and International Economics. In the future, Dr. Umar also would like to extend this school to include female students in their own residential school.

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Who We Are | Black Male Voter Project | We are Building a Movement

Sat, 19 Sep 2020 20:05

Black Male Voter Project was founded by W. Mondale Robinson, who currently serves as our Principal. He is the National Political Director for Democracy for America, Political Contributor for The Village Celebration where he has political and cultural columns and is a regular on their syndicated radio show. Mondale is also a Political Consultant.

Born one of 13 in rural North Carolina, W. Mondale grew up with a front-row seat to obstacles that kept and keeps Black people from voting. With this knowledge and his veteran campaign experience, he created a voter engagement program that would increase Black people's participation in the electoral process (BMEP Additory Approach(C)). The program was designed with a special focus on Black men, who are so often labeled as low information and sporadic voters. The program has been a success in the 13 states where it has been implemented (VA, NC, SC, GA, MS, FL, AL, TX, AR, OH, IN, NY, and NJ).

Mondale has been a lifelong advocate for the expansion of democracy and the protection of voting rights. He has worked on more than 125 campaigns''across all levels of government''in the United States, and leading roles internationally.

Why W. Mondale Robinson Founded the Black Male Voter Project

Sat, 19 Sep 2020 19:54

W. Mondale Robinson (center) at a 2019 'Brothas Be Voting' roundtable in Atlanta. W. Mondale Robinson

When I was a kid, I used to watch my father do amazing things for people all the time'--he'd fix roofs, lay drywall, pour cement for entire driveways. We were extremely poor, and I could never understand why. I thought: My dad is an anomaly. How can you be so great as a person and still suffer from poverty?

As I grew older, I realized my dad was not an anomaly. Most Black men his age were similarly situated but were crippled in some way: My dad, for instance, earned a felony when he was a young boy for defending his mother against white supremacy. Knowing that his struggles were all too common for Black men and watching America snuff out his greatness were my marching orders and the reason I fight for the betterment of my community.

I wound up doing campaign work for a long time, and one thing I noticed right away was that most of the people who determine what's said about politics generally, but progressive politics more specifically, are white men. The messaging they convey doesn't speak to my lived experience as a Black man. It's not motivating to me or to the brothas I know'--uncles, cousins, friends, men like my father.

It is well-known that voting is a habit that's formed when resources are spent on it, and Black men aren't a priority when it comes to spending money on elections. That was the genesis of the Black Male Voter Project. Our goal isn't just to make voters out of Black men but to foster this idea of voting on issues that are important to us. We don't outright support candidates; we support issues important to Black men. We're seeking to combat the narrative that Black men are apathetic toward politics.

Illustration of W. Mondale Robinson, founder of the Black Male Voter Project. Arrington Porter

Being a Black man in America is a political statement, and it is impossible to watch politics from my body when the result of so much of the politics of this country has been the subjugation of me and folks who look like me. You can't discount the impact that's had on the mental health of Black men, either, and yet mental health is not considered part of the fight for revolution as it pertains to white supremacy. Imagine what hundreds of years of slavery have done to the psyche and the soul and the makeup of Black bodies in this country.

There's a direct correlation between voting and people's health, especially for Black men. We know we're overrepresented in the prison population, which means we are less likely to have voting rights. A Florida prison system did a study a few years back, and they found that people with restored voting rights were less likely to go back to prison.

Every time that I'm silent about inequality, I think about my mother, who would pretend to laugh'--to lessen the impact'--when she would tell me stories about being sprayed with a fire hose when she was nine years old for no reason other than being downtown after dark. She couldn't run and hide because she also had groceries for her siblings in her arms, and so she had to pick up the groceries while being sprayed. The white man who did it was still in elected office as the fire chief when I was growing up. Whenever I'm silent, I feel as though I'm selling my mother out.

How we define success with our organization, in the end, is more complex than simply getting more Black men to vote. We're building long-term relationships. We hold focus groups called Brothas Be Voting and populate the room with brothas who don't normally participate in politics, people from the street and from underground economies, so we can hear what the barriers are. That way, we can work to remove them and help Black men start believing in the electoral process again. '--As told to Michelle Garcia

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When Republicans Were Blue and Democrats Were Red | History | Smithsonian Magazine

Sat, 19 Sep 2020 18:51

Television's first dynamic, color-coded presidential map, standing two stories high in the studio best known as the home to ''Saturday Night Live,'' was melting.

It was early October, 1976, the month before the map was to debut'--live'--on election night. At the urging of anchor John Chancellor, NBC had constructed the behemoth map to illustrate, in vivid blue and red, which states supported Republican incumbent Gerald Ford and which backed Democratic challenger Jimmy Carter.

The test run didn't go well. Although the map was buttressed by a sturdy wood frame, the front of each state was plastic.

''There were thousands of bulbs,'' recalled Roy Wetzel, then the newly minted general manager of NBC's election unit. ''The thing started to melt when we turned all the lights on. We then had to bring in gigantic interior air conditioning and fans to put behind the thing to cool it.''

That solved the problem. And when election results flowed in Tuesday night, Nov. 2, Studio 8-H at 30 Rockefeller Center lit up. Light bulbs on each state changed from undecided white to Republican blue and Democratic red. NBC declared Carter the winner at 3:30 a.m. EST, when Mississippi turned red.

That's right: In the beginning, blue was red and red was blue and they changed back and forth from election to election and network to network in what appears, in hindsight, to be a flight of whimsy. The notion that there were ''red states'' and ''blue states'''--and that the former were Republican and the latter Democratic'--wasn't cemented on the national psyche until the year 2000.

Chalk up another one to Bush v. Gore. Not only did it give us ''hanging chads'' and a crash course in the Electoral College, not only did it lead to a controversial Supreme Court ruling and a heightened level of polarization that has intensified ever since, the Election That Wouldn't End gave us a new political shorthand.

Twelve years later, in the final days of a presidential race deemed too close to call, we know this much about election night Nov. 6: The West Coast, the Northeast and much of the upper Midwest will be bathed in blue. With some notable exceptions, the geographic center of the country will be awash in red. So will the South. And ultimately, it is a handful of states'--which will start the evening in shades of neutral and shift, one by one, to red or blue'--that will determine who wins.

If enough of those swing states turn blue, President Barack Obama remains in the White House four more years. If enough become red, Gov. Mitt Romney moves in January 20, 2013. For now, they are considered ''purple.''

Here's something else we know: All the maps'--on TV stations and Web sites election night and in newspapers the next morning'--will look alike. We won't have to switch our thinking as we switch channels, wondering which candidate is blue and which is red. Before the epic election of 2000, there was no uniformity in the maps that television stations, newspapers or magazines used to illustrate presidential elections. Pretty much everyone embraced red and blue, but which color represented which party varied, sometimes by organization, sometimes by election cycle.

There are theories, some likely, some just plain weird, to explain the shifting palette.

''For years, both parties would do red and blue maps, but they always made the other guys red,'' said Chuck Todd, political director and chief White House correspondent for NBC News. ''During the Cold War, who wanted to be red?''

Indeed, prior to the breakup of the Soviet Union little more than two decades ago, ''red was a term of derision,'' noted Mitchell Stephens, a New York University professor of journalism and author of A History of News.

''There's a movie named Reds, '' he said. ''You'd see red in tabloid headlines, particularly in right wing tabloids like the Daily Mirror in New York and the New York Daily News.''

In 1972, CBS News split the country into regions and used a color-coded map, with blue for Republicans and red for Democrats. (YouTube) In 1976, ABC News used this color-scheme for the presidential election. (YouTube) This 1980 map from NBC News shows states for Ronald Reagan in blue, Jimmy Carter in red, and uncalled in yellow. (YouTube) For years, NBC News used blue to indicate Republican states and red to indicate Democratic states. Shown here is a screen grab from the 1984 election (YouTube) A still from CBS News' coverage of the 1988 presidential election. White indicated states where ballots had closed, but had not been declared for one candidate or another. (YouTube) By 2000, NBC News had joined their colleagues in using the current red/blue scheme. At this point in the evening, Vice President Gore had been declared the winner in Florida. This, of course, would not be the case by the following morning. (YouTube)Perhaps the stigma of red in those days explains why some networks changed colors'-- in what appeared to be random fashion'--over the years. Kevin Drum of the Washington Monthly wrote in 2004 that the networks alternated colors based on the party of the White House incumbent, but YouTube reveals that to be a myth.

Still, there were reversals and deviations. In 1976, when NBC debuted its mammoth electronic map, ABC News employed a small, rudimentary version that used yellow for Ford, blue for Carter and red for states in which votes had yet to be tallied. In 1980, NBC once again used red for Carter and blue for the Republican challenger, Ronald Reagan, and CBS followed suit. But ABC flipped the colors and promised to use orange for states won by John Anderson, the third-party candidate who received 6.6% of the popular vote. (Anderson carried no states, and orange seems to have gone by the wayside.) Four years later, ABC and CBS used red for Republicans and blue for Democrats, but the combination wouldn't stick for another 16 years. During the four presidential elections Wetzel oversaw for NBC, from 1976 through 1988, the network never switched colors. Republicans were cool blue, Democrats hot red.

The reasoning was simple, he said: Great Britain.

''Without giving it a second thought, we said blue for conservatives, because that's what the parliamentary system in London is, red for the more liberal party. And that settled it. We just did it,'' said Wetzel, now retired.

Forget all that communist red stuff, he said. ''It didn't occur to us. When I first heard it, I thought, 'Oh, that's really silly.' ''

When ABC produced its first large electronic map in 1980, it used red for Republicans and blue for Democrats, while CBS did the reverse, according to Wetzel. NBC stuck with its original color scheme, prompting anchor David Brinkley to say that Reagan's victory looked like ''a suburban swimming pool.''

Newspapers, in those days, were largely black and white. But two days after voters went to the polls in 2000, both the New York Times and USA Today published their first color-coded, county-by-county maps detailing the showdown between Al Gore and George W. Bush. Both papers used red for the Republican Bush, blue for the Democrat Gore.

Why?

''I just decided red begins with 'r,' Republican begins with 'r.' It was a more natural association,'' said Archie Tse, senior graphics editor for the Times. ''There wasn't much discussion about it.''

Paul Overberg, a database editor who designed the map for USA Today, said he was following a trend: ''The reason I did it was because everybody was already doing it that way at that point.''

And everybody had to continue doing it for a long time. The 2000 election dragged on until mid-December, until the Supreme Court declared Bush the victor. For weeks, the maps were ubiquitous.

Perhaps that's why the 2000 colors stuck. Along with images of Florida elections officials eyeballing tiny ballot chads, the maps were there constantly, reminding us of the vast, nearly even divide between, well, red and blue voters.

From an aesthetic standpoint, Overberg said, the current color scheme fits with the political landscape. Republicans typically dominate in larger, less populated states in the Plains and Mountain West, meaning the center of the United States is very red. ''If it had been flipped, the map would have been too dark,'' he said. ''The blue would have been swamping the red. Red is a lighter color.''

But not everyone liked the shift. Republican operative Clark Bensen wrote an analysis in 2004 titled ''RED STATE BLUES: Did I Miss That Memo?''

''There are two general reasons why blue for Republican and Red for Democrat make the most sense: connotation and practice,'' Bensen wrote. ''First, there has been a generally understood meaning to the two colors inasmuch as they relate to politics. That is, the cooler color blue more closely represented the rational thinker and cold-hearted and the hotter red more closely represented the passionate and hot-blooded. This would translate into blue for Republicans and red for Democrats. Put another way, red was also the color most associated with socialism and the party of the Democrats was clearly the more socialistic of the two major parties.

''The second reason why blue for Republicans makes sense is that traditional political mapmakers have used blue for the modern-day Republicans, and the Federalists before that, throughout the 20th century. Perhaps this was a holdover from the days of the Civil War when the predominantly Republican North was 'Blue'.''

At this point'--three presidential elections after Bush v. Gore'--the color arrangement seems unlikely to reverse any time soon. Not only have ''red states'' and ''blue states'' entered the lexicon, partisans on both sides have taken ownership of them. For instance, RedState is a conservative blog; Blue State Digital, which grew out of Democrat Howard Dean's 2004 presidential campaign, helps candidates and organizations use technology to raise money, advocate their positions and connect with constituents. In 2008, a Republican and a Democrat even joined forces to create Purple Strategies, a bipartisan public affairs firm.

Sara Quinn, a visual journalist now at the Poynter Institute in Florida, said she sees no particular advantage to either color.

''Red is usually very warm and it comes forward to the eye. Blue tends to be a recessive color, but a calming color,'' she said.

Not that anyone thought of those things when assigning colors in 2000. Not that they think about it at all today.

''After that election the colors became part of the national discourse,'' said Tse. ''You couldn't do it any other way.''

The Rosy or Rose Cross - Occult Symbols

Sat, 19 Sep 2020 18:45

The Rose Cross is associated with a number of different schools of thought, including that of the Golden Dawn, Thelema, the OTO, and the Rosicrucians (also known as the Order of the Rose Cross). Each group offers somewhat different interpretations of the symbol. This should not be surprising as magical, occult and esoteric symbols are frequently used to communicate ideas more complex than is possible to express in speech.

Christian Elements Users of the Rose Cross today tend to downplay the Christian elements to it, even though the magical systems used by such people are generally Judeo-Christian in origin. The cross, therefore, has other meanings here besides being the instrument of Christ's execution. Despite this, the presence of the letters INRI, which is an abbreviation of the Latin phrase Iesvs Nazarens Rex Ivdaeorym, meaning "Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews," cannot escape Christian interpretation. According to the Christian Bible, this phrase was inscribed on the cross where Jesus was executed.

In addition, the cross is often viewed by occultists as a symbol of immortality, sacrifice, and death. Through Jesus's sacrifice and death on the cross, humanity has a chance at eternal life with God.

The Cross Cross-shaped objects are commonly used in occultism too represent the four physical elements. Here each arm is colored to represent one element: yellow, blue, black and red to represent air, water, earth, and fire. These colors are also repeated on the bottom portion of the cross. The white on the upper portion of the bottom arm represents the spirit, the fifth element.

The cross can also represent dualism, two forces going in conflicting directions yet uniting at a central point. The union of rose and cross is also a generative symbol, the union of a male and female.

Finally, the cross's proportions are made up of six squares: one for each arm, an extra one for the lower arm, and the center. A cross of six squares can be folded into a cube.

The Rose The rose has three tiers of petals. The first tier, of three petals, represents the three basic alchemical elements: salt, mercury, and sulfur. The tier of seven petals represents the seven Classical planets (The Sun and Moon are considered planets here, with the term ''planets'' indicating the seven bodies that appear to circle the earth independently of the star field, which moves as a single unit). The tier of twelve represents the astrological zodiac. Each of the twenty-two petals bears one of the twenty-two letters in the Hebrew alphabet and also represents the twenty-two paths on the Tree of Life.

The rose itself has a myriad assortment of additional meanings associated with it:

It is at once a symbol of purity and a symbol of passion, heavenly perfection and earthly passion; virginity and fertility; death and life. The rose is the flower of the goddess Venus but also the blood of Adonis and of Christ. It is a symbol of transmutation - that of taking food from the earth and transmuting it into the beautiful fragrant rose. The rose garden is a symbol of Paradise. It is the place of the mystic marriage. In ancient Rome, roses were grown in the funerary gardens to symbolize resurrection. The thorns have represented suffering and sacrifice as well as the sins of the Fall from Paradise. ("A Brief Study of The Rose Cross Symbol," no longer online)Inside the large rose is a smaller cross bearing another rose. This second rose is depicted with five petals. Five is the number of the physical senses: sight, hearing, touch, taste, and smell, and it is also the number of man's extremities: two arms, two legs, and the head. Thus, the rose represents humanity and physical existence.

The Pentagrams A pentagram is displayed at the end of each arm of the cross. Each of these pentagrams bears symbols of the five elements: a wheel for spirit, a bird's head for air, the zodiac sign for Leo, which is a fire sign, the zodiac symbol for Taurus, which is an earth sign, and the zodiac symbol for Aquarius, which is a water sign. They are arranged so that when tracing the pentagram you can progress from the most physical to the most spiritual: earth, water, air, fire, spirit.

The Three Symbols at the End of Each Arm The three symbols repeated at the end of all four arms stand for salt, mercury, and sulfur, which are the three basic alchemical elements from which all other substances derive.

The three symbols are repeated on each of the four arms of the cross, numbering a total of twelve. Twelve is the number of the zodiac, comprised of twelve symbols that circle the heavens throughout the year.

The Hexagram Hexagrams commonly represent the union of opposites. It is composed of two identical triangles, one pointing up and one pointing down. The point-up triangle can represent ascending toward the spiritual, while the point-down triangle can stand for the divine spirit descending to the physical realm.

The Symbols Around and in The Hexagram The symbols in and around the hexagram represent the seven Classical planets. The symbol for the Sun is in the center. The sun is generally the most important planet in Western occultism. Without the Sun, our planet would be lifeless. It is also commonly connected with the light of divine wisdom and the purification properties of fire, and was sometimes considered the visual manifestation of God's will in the universe.

On the outside of the hexagrams are the symbols for Saturn, Jupiter, Venus, the Moon, Mercury, and Mars (clockwise from top). Western occult thought generally considers the planets in the farthest orbits from the Earth in an earth-centric model) to be the most spiritual, because they are the furthest from the physicality of the Earth. Thus, the top three planets are Saturn, Jupiter and Mars, while the bottom three are Mercury, Venus and the Moon.

Music in this Episode

Intro: Mobb Deep - G.O.D. Part III Instrumental 9 seconds

Outro: Whole Truth - Can you loose by following god 15 seconds

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Sep 19, 2020
48: Shootist

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for September 5th 2020, Episode number 48

"Shootist"

Description

Adam and Moe go deep on the third rail of topics

Executive Producers:

Sir Dwayne Melancon

Sir Cole Calistra

Noah from Phoenix

David Keyes

Kris Malmi

Anonymous

Sir Jesse Cruz

Adam Choi

Martin Ohlsen

Louise Wakefield

Associate Executive Producers:

Thomas Kelly-Tait

KR

Joseph DiVerniero

David Roll

Kurtis Collins

Drake Biscardi

Sarah Gardner

Timothy Pierce

Anonymous

Andrew J Giannettino

Erik Höchel

Harvey Smith

Cassidy Eastwood

Garlene Copeland

Kenneth Barnhouse

lindsey heitman

Colin Howard

TinyEmpire.com

david drake

Lauren's Witty Knitts

Eric Tolbert

William Taylor

Kathleen Backous

Mireya

Susan

John Taylor

Ed Siemens

Episode 48 Club Members

Rudolph Duff

Ellen King

Dorothy Schrodt

ShowNotes

The Zen TV Experiment '' Ted's Tidbits

Sun, 06 Sep 2020 00:00

If you watch television, you should take a look at this post. It's a repost of an article that first appeared in Adbusters Magazine on the effects of television on individuals and society. It proposes four experiments to attempt at home. I did this, and I recommend you do it to.

1) Watch TV for 10 minutes and count the technical events.What is a technical event? We've all seen TV cameras in banks and jewelry stores. A stationary video camera simply recording what's in front of it is what I will call ''pure TV.'' Anything other than pure TV is a technical event: the camera zooms up, that's a technical event; you are watching someone's profile talking and suddenly you are switched to another person responding, that's a technical event; a car is driving down the road and you also hear music playing, that's a technical event. Simply count the number of times there is a cut, zoom, superimposition, voice-over, appearance of words on the screen, fade in/out, etc.

For this test, I watched the first 10 minutes of this episode of my namesake show. In that 10 minutes I counted 223 technical events, and then I realized I didn't count any audio effects!

2) Watch any TV show for 15 minutes without turning on the sound.For this, I simply muted the volume on the same show and watched the remainder.

3) Watch any news program for 15 minutes without turning on the sound.It took a while for me to find a recording of an actual news program online (I needed 15 contiguous minutes, and the news sites only offer clips) but I finally found this on Hulu.

4) Watch television for one half hour without turning it on.I must admit that I haven't done this yet. I want to do the experiment, but I just haven't been able to bring myself to waste a half hour sitting in front of a turned off television.

Well, the point is that television is messing with your mind. All the technical events that occur in a normal TV show make for a very disjointed set of scenes that we have trained our brains to assemble into a narrative.

Television inhibits your ability to think, but it does not lead to freedom of mind, relaxation or renewal. It leads to a more exhausted mind. You may have time out from prior obsessive thought patterns, but that's as far as television goes. The mind is never empty, the mind is filled. What's worse, it is filled with someone else's obsessive thoughts and images.

Watching the TV without the sound makes it more difficult to connect with the story and therefore easier to observe all the technical events occurring. Switching to a news program you realize that there are fewer technical events.

With fewer technical events the news show appears realistic relative to other shows in the TV environment. Further, it appears super-realistic relative to the commercial shows in this environment. As earlier, we witnessed the joining of technical events in a coherent narrative. Here, we witness the reduction of worldly events into a narrative.

I admit I haven't yet stared at a blank TV for a half hour, but I imagine two things would occur to me. First, I would realize just exactly how long a half hour feels, and I would be bothered by the things I could be doing with that time. Second, I would see the TV for what it is, an object, instead of what it is not, a companion.

If one is alone in one's room and turns on the TV, one actually doesn't feel alone anymore. It's as if companionship is experienced, as if communication is two-way.

This does make for an interesting, if not disturbing, academic discussion, but it is not fruitful unless a behavioral change occurs. I encourage you to make your own resolutions. As for me, I am making a deliberate effort to watch less TV. This is actually something I started doing a while back when we canceled our cable. There are still some shows I enjoy watching, and I will continue to watch them. I don't think I'm going to start watching any new shows, and I'm definitely going to stop watching shows I find myself complaining about. To do otherwise would just be stupid. Tonight, for example, I elected to write this blog post instead of watching The Office or some other show.

Maybe one day I'll stop watching TV altogether (although I have no plans to cease watching the Dallas Cowboys, no matter how frustrating of an experience that may be). I don't want to bind myself to a statement I won't be able to live up to. At least for now, I feel encouraged to read more.

(22) Larry Gaiters (@BishopLGaiters) / Twitter

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 23:59

Something went wrong, but don't fret '-- let's give it another shot.

(1227) NLE Choppa - Walk Em Down feat. Roddy Ricch (Official Music Video) - YouTube

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 22:41

Urban Dictionary: White Mike

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 22:39

a white male typically raised in black/urban environment, adores

black women, despises and rejects anything caucasian including

white women. Adored by black women. The only white guy at the party that everybody loves. Possibly a rapper or dj.

Blacker than some of his black friends proving the "white" in White Mike is actually quite ironic. Fly ass dude.

Get the White Mike neck gaiter and mug.

Any of your typical run of the mill white guys in their early/mid 20's who acts as ghetto as possible. Can typically bee seen sporting the white

wife-beater and

backwards ball cap. White Mikes love

freeloading and will doing ANYTHING for certain goods and services. White Mikes can be seen around public parks and pools trying to pick up girls that he can "t-t-t-turn it over and hit it."

"Hey isn't that White Mike trying to get

free water from that

pizza place?"

"Man, I wish someone would put White Mike out of his missery."

"Hey guys, White Mike is trying to pawn 'House Party 4'

any takers?"

Get a White Mike mug for your barber Bob.

White Mike | Wayans Bros. Wiki | Fandom

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 22:38

White Mike, played by comic/actor Mitch Mullaney, appeared in six episodes of the series.Gender

Male

Occupation

Heir from wealthy Long Island family

Relations on TWB

friend of Shawn and Marlon Williams

Episodes/Apperances

6 episodes in seasons 1 and 2, 1995-1996

Relative

brother Pookie, who appears in the episode It's Shawn! It's Marlon! It's Superboys! in Season 1

Character played by

Mitch Mullany

White Mike is a hip-talking, black girl-dating white friend of Shawn and Marlon Willams who appears in seasons 1 and 2 of The Wayans Bros. Played by late comic/actor Mitch Mullany, he appeared in a total of six episodes, beginning with the episode The Sting, which Thelonious "T.C." Capricornio, another hip huckster type, whom he also eventually becomes friends with, appears with during the first season.

Character description Edit Always trying hard to keep up on the urban fashion and "hip" street ebonics slang talk, Mike is from the suburbs, from an affluent family in Long Island who befriends Marlon, even for allowing Marlon to move in with him in his "crib" after a brief fallout with Shawn, whom T.C. moved in with in Marlon's old apartment. Mike kicks Marlon out, saying that he is too boring for him, he being a hard-partying type. He also becomes cool with Shawn and Pops, even running Pop's Diner with Marlon. while Pops was laid up at home sick from the flu, turning an unseen before big profit while turning the place into a health food restaurant, where they served tofu, and all types organic foods, with the exception of the cheesecake, which Marlon deceives some lovely young females who work at the nearby aerobics center into thinking they're low cal!!

The White Mike character served as a vehicle for Mitch Mullany to earn a title role as Nick Freno on the WB series titled Nick Freno:Lisenced Teacher the next season, where he appeared in 43 episodes before its cancellation.

Burrell Communications '-- Our Agency

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 22:31

Our agency

Our Capabilities

Clients

Our Leadership

Our People

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WE DO TRANSCULTURAL. And we do it well. Our 40+ years of experience has given us the expertise, finesse, and empathy to connect with and engage Millennials, Boomers, and Gen Xers, remember them? From the financially underserved to the socially responsible to gearheads and sneakerheads. We'll do it for the Gram and clap back on SnapChat if necessary. We create work that gets clicked, liked, and shared. Work that rings both the phones and the register. We'll make you think'...laugh'...and we're especially good at the work that gets you right here <3. No matter what we do, we move brands.

We're a diverse collective of passionate and involved cultural mavens. Our talented family includes authors and musicians, artists and activists, sneakerheads and fashionistas.

As an agency and as individuals, we're always striving to improve ourselves and our communities. We've donated our time and voice to increase awareness and make changes for the better in our communities.

Burrell Communications Group - Wikipedia

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 22:21

Burrell Communications GroupIndustryAdvertisingFounded1971 ( 1971 ) FoundersThomas J. Burrell, Emmett McBainHeadquartersChicago, Illinois

,USA

Key people

Fay Ferguson, McGhee Osse, co-chief executive officers Lewis Williams, chief creative officer Website www.burrell.com Burrell Communications Group L.L.C. is an American advertising agency. Founded by chairman emeritus Thomas (Tom) J. Burrell, and headquartered in Chicago, IL, Burrell Communications is one of the largest multi-cultural marketing firms in the world. Some of the company's work is part of a collection in the Library of Congress.[1] Burrell Communications is now under the leadership of co-chief executive officers, Fay Ferguson and McGhee Osse and chief creative officer, Lewis Williams.[2]

History [ edit ] Burrell Communications was founded in 1971, by Tom Burrell and then partner, Emmett McBain, and was originally named Burrell McBain.[3] The company was established with the intention of forging an authentic and respectful relationship with the African-American consumer, and to tap into how the black aesthetic could also appeal to the general market consumer. It was at this time that Burrell coined the phrase, "Black people are not dark-skinned white people." Recognizing that there existed inherent cultural differences, and the fact that these differences drove patterns of consumption, became a driving force and inspiration for future ad campaigns at Burrell.

1971-73'--Burrell McBain quickly establishes itself as a leading shop for niche African American -focused communications. Beginning with the creation of the Black Marlboro Man for Philip Morris, accounts quickly expanded to include marquis brands McDonald's and Coca-Cola.[3]

1974'--Emmett McBain leaves the agency, and it is renamed Burrell Advertising[3]

1975-80'--Burrell's business grows steadily, garnering acclaim in particular for their work on The Coca-Cola Company and McDonald's campaigns. The Coca-Cola commercial entitled "Street Song" wins Burrell its first Clio Award.[4] By 1979, Burrell tops $10 million in billing per annum, making it one of the most successful multi-cultural advertising shops in the United States.[3]

1981-83'--Burrell Advertising picks up Martell Cognac and Stroh's accounts. The McDonald's "Double Dutch" Commercial in particular gains national attention and gains a Gold Award at the U.S. Television Commercials Festival.[5] Agency billing climbs to $20 million annually.[6] In order to accommodate increased needs for their Coca-Cola account, Burrell opens an office in Atlanta, GA.[6]

1984- 86'--Burrell Advertising gains the Procter and Gamble account. Their work for Crest Toothpaste becomes the first major packaged goods account to target an African American consumer audience. Burrell agency billing surpasses $50 million.[3]

1987-90-- Burrell gets the Polaroid account, and gains new campaigns on Procter and Gamble's Tide, and Kraft Foods Stovetop Dressing.[3]

1991-96-- The agency is renamed Burrell Communications. Alma Hopkins is named CCO, while Sarah Burroughs is named President. Burrell Communications is awarded the Grand Effie by the American Marketing Association for its work on "Who Wants," a spot created for the Partnership for a Drug Free America.[7] Burrell garners new clients including Nynex, Mobil, Nabisco's A1 Steak Sauce, Maxwell House Coffee and Sears. Agency billing tops a record-breaking $128 million.[3] Burrell acquires DFA Communications, a general market advertising and direct marketing agency based in New York, adding direct marketing expertise as well as a New York presence.[8]

2000-01'--Burrell sells a 49% minority stake to French media giant Publicis Groupe in order to fund its expansion.[9] Burrell Communications gains Toyota, Hewlett-Packard and General Mills as its clients.[10][11]

2002'--Burrell Communications is named Black Enterprise's Advertising Agency of the Year [12]

2004'--Tom Burrell announces his retirement. Fay Ferguson and McGhee Osse purchase the 51% majority stake, becoming Co-CEOs of Burrell Communications.[13]

2005 '' Burrell is named African-American agency of record for Allstate.[14]

2006'--Lewis Williams is welcomed as CCO at Burrell.[15] Co-CEO Fay Ferguson is named Chicago Advertising Woman of the Year.[16]

2007'--Burrell launches Toyota Camry's highly successful "If Looks Could Kill," the first digital campaign of its kind to target African American women.[17]

2009'--Burrell garners the American Airlines account and launches American Airlines "Black Atlas." Toyota launches Burrell's Toyota Venza "Faces" as its featured Super Bowl spot.[18]

2010--Burrell launches Threshold Nation, a subsidiary dedicated to marketing toward the multi-ethnic urban male.[19]

2011'--Burrell Communications is named Black Enterprise's Advertising Agency of the Year [17] and adds Comcast to its list of clients[20]

2013'--Burrell launches Rising Tide, a Tide-sponsored aspirational social network for millennials looking for professional access. The program features hip-hop media mogul, Russell Simmons, sharing his wisdom with the young, professional audience.

2014'--Burrell scores a major win the 2013 Toyota Avalon "Only The Name Remains" campaign, starring Academy-Award nominee Idris Elba. The campaign won a Gold National ADDY Award, an Official Webby Award Honoree, and was listed as the FWA Site of the Day.

Clients [ edit ] McDonald's, Comcast, Procter and Gamble, General Mills, SuperValu, American Airlines, Toyota, Lilly and Disney's Dreamers Academy

References [ edit ] ^ "Coca-Cola Company donates its collection of Black advertising by Burrell Communications Group to Library of Congress". Jet Magazine. October 20, 2003 . Retrieved March 31, 2012 . ^ "Our Leaders". Burrell Communications Group. Archived from the original on September 19, 2012 . Retrieved March 31, 2012 . ^ a b c d e f g Fawcett, Adrienne W. (June 3, 1996). "Burrell at 25, A Commemorative". Advertising Age. ^ Chambers, Jason (2009). Madison Avenue and the Color Line: African Americans in the Advertising Industry. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 24. ^ "Double Honors". Jet. December 27, 1982 . Retrieved March 31, 2012 . ^ a b Fawcett, Adrienne W. (June 3, 1996). "BURRELL AT 25:A COMMEMORATIVE". Advertising Age. ^ Stuart, Elliot (June 8, 1994). "THE MEDIA BUSINESS: Advertising; An anti-drug public service campaign wins a prestigious prize for advertising effectiveness". New York Times . Retrieved March 31, 2012 . ^ "Burrell Communications Group". Advertising Age. September 2003 . Retrieved June 12, 2012 . ^ Valcourt, Josee (October 1, 1999). "Burrell Communications sells 49% of firm to Publicis Will black ad agencies have to merge to stay alive?". Black Enterprise. Archived from the original on April 6, 2012 . Retrieved March 27, 2012 . ^ "Toyota Announces Partnership With African American Advertising Agency". PRNewswire . Retrieved May 24, 2012 . ^ Brown, Monique R. (June 2002). "Born to transform: the Burrell Communications Group bursts out of the ad agency box to become bigger, better, and bolder - B.E. Advertising Agency Of The Year - Company Profile". Black Enterprise . Retrieved June 3, 2012 . ^ Finkelman, Paul (2009). Encyclopedia of African American history, 1896 to the present: from the age of segregation to the twenty-first century, Volume 1. Oxford University Press. p. 317. ^ Hughs, Zondra (July 27, 2011). "Burrell Communications Celebrates 40 Years". Rolling Out . Retrieved April 2, 2012 . ^ "Burrell Communications Wins Allstate African-American Account". Business Wire. August 3, 2005 . Retrieved June 13, 2012 . ^ "Burrell names Lewis Williams new Chief Creative Officer, replacing Steve Conner". Target Market News. April 10, 2006. ^ "Burrell Communications' Fay Ferguson named Advertising Woman of the Year". Target Market News. May 24, 2006 . Retrieved June 3, 2012 . ^ a b Alleyne, Sonia (June 2011). "Growth By Reinvention". Black Enterprise . Retrieved April 2, 2012 . ^ Tedesco, Richard. "Toyota Ties Events to Venza Spots in Big Game". Promo. Archived from the original on February 22, 2014 . Retrieved June 3, 2012 . ^ "Burrell Communications(TM) Launches Threshold Nation(TM)". PR Newswire . Retrieved June 3, 2012 . ^ "Comcast names Burrell Communications African-American agency of record". Target Market News. March 8, 2011 . Retrieved June 14, 2012 .

A First Rate Madness | Psychology Today

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 22:18

Many great leaders have been mentally ill, mainly with severe depression and sometimes with mania. This is not an entirely controversial statement. It is generally accepted by historians that Abraham Lincoln had severe depression, and so did Winston Churchill. Both were suicidal at times. Some other figures are less well-known but the documentary evidence is relatively strong: General William Sherman was removed from command because of concerns that he was insane. He appeared, in retrospect, to have experienced a manic episode with paranoid delusions; he also had,throughout his life, episodes of severe depression, along with occasional suicidal thoughts. Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King both made suicide attempts in adolescence, and each had at least two severe depressive episodes in their lifetimes.

Other examples are not as extreme. The concepts of dysthymia (mild depression) and hyperthymia (chronic hypomanic symptoms) are reasonably well-validated scientifically as abnormal temperaments, genetically and biologically related to depression and mania, respectively. Using the definitions of those conditions, some leaders appear to have had hyperthymic temperaments (such as Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, and John Kennedy).

This is not to say that all leaders had mental illness. Most leaders did not; most leaders were mentally healthy. And that may be the problem. Mental health may not be as good for leadership as people often assume.

This would be the case if mental illness confers certain psychological advantages that may be useful for leadership. Mania, for instance, is well associated with creativity. Depression, in many psychological studies, is associated with enhance realism. Both may increase resilience. I have reviewed the scientific evidence for the occurrence of these positive aspects of mental illness elsewhere. If this evidence is correct, it may explain why mental illness might enhance, and mental health hinder, crisis leadership.

These are the themes of A First Rate Madness, just published. I plan to provide more detail on various aspects in future posts, including some reaction to comments that I receive from readers.

In response to initial reactions to my recent article in the Wall Street Journal, and other interactions, I'll begin by emphasizing four points:

1. My examples are not chosen superficially. There is good documentary evidence for the symptoms that I describe. Diagnosing leaders from the past is more valid than in the present because the documentary evidence often increases with time, and our feelings about distant leaders are usually more objective than is the case with living leaders.

2. I am not diagnosing everyone. In fact I am diagnosing most leaders as healthy. Only a minority are ill, but they happen to be the best crisis leaders.

3. I am distinguishing between crisis and non-crisis leadership. Those who are mentally healthy are fine leaders in non-crisis situations, but they fail during crises. Vice versa for great mentally ill leaders.

4. The intuition against my thesis has its roots in stigma, I believe. This prejudice underlies the notion that a leader we dislike must be mentally ill, or that mental health inherently is better than mental illness for leadership. These ideas are based on a stigmatizing attitude towards mental illness, the view that it is inherently and completely harmful. Mental illness certainly can be harmful in many ways, but not inherently and completely.

DAYZOFNOAH - YouTube

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 22:09

Boss Tweed - Money Scam, Life & Tammany Hall - Biography

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 21:26

Boss Tweed is chiefly remembered for the cronyism of his Tammany Hall political machine, through which he bilked the city of New York of massive sums of money.

SynopsisBorn in New York City in 1823, Boss Tweed was a city alderman by the time he was 28 years old. Elected to other offices, he cemented his position of power in the city's Democratic Party and thereafter filled important positions with people friendly to his concerns. Once he and his cronies had control of the city government, corruption became shockingly widespread until his eventual arrest in 1873.

Early LifeBoss Tweed was born William Magear Tweed on April 3, 1823, on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. Tweed married Mary Jane Skaden in 1844, and in 1848 he organized a volunteer fire company. When he was 26 years old, in 1850, he ran for city alderman but lost. On his second try, a year later, he ran again and won, and in 1852 he was elected to one term in Congress (which was unremarkable). His influence in New York politics was growing, and in 1856 he was elected to a new city board of supervisors, the first position he would use for corrupt purposes.

"I don't care who does the electing, so long as I get to do the nominating." -- Boss Tweed

He worked on strengthening his position of power in Tammany Hall (the seat of New York City's Democratic Party), and by 1860 he controlled all Democratic Party nominations to city positions. Soon, Boss Tweed dominated the city and state Democratic Party to such an extent that his candidates were elected mayor of New York City, governor of New York and speaker of the state assembly.

The Years of Corruption: The Tweed RingAll the while, he had his associates appointed to key city and county posts, thus establishing a network of corruption that became known as the "Tweed ring." In 1860, Tweed opened a law office, despite not being a lawyer, and began receiving large payments from corporations for his "legal services" (which were in fact extortions hidden under the guise of the law). He was reaping vast sums of illegal cash by this time, and he bought up acres of Manhattan real estate. He began wearing a large diamond attached to the front of his shirt, an object that received endless lampooning from his detractors (whose numbers were growing quickly).

"I don't care a straw for your newspaper articles, my constituents don't know how to read, but they can't help seeing them damned pictures." -- Boss Tweed

In 1868, Tweed became grand sachem (leader) of Tammany Hall and was also elected to the New York State Senate, and in 1870 he and his cronies took control of the city treasury when they passed a new city charter that named them as the board of audit. In full force now, the Tweed ring began to financially drain the city of New York through faked leases, false vouchers, extravagantly padded bills and various other schemes set up and controlled by the ring.

DownfallWith the Tweed ring's activities reaching a fever pitch, and with the losses for the city piling up (to an estimated $30 to $200 million in present-day dollars), the public finally began to support the ongoing efforts of The New York Times and Thomas Nast (a political satirist for Harper's Weekly) to oust Tweed, and he was at last tried and convicted on charges of forgery and larceny in 1873. He was released in 1875, but soon after his release, New York State filed a civil suit against him in an attempt to recover some of the millions he had embezzled, and Tweed was arrested again.

Before long, he escaped from custody and fled, first to Cuba and then to Spain. In November 1876, he was captured and extradited to the United States, where he was confined to a New York City jail. A year and a half later, Boss Tweed died there from severe pneumonia.

circa 1865: American politician William Marcy ''Boss'' Tweed (1823 - 1878), notorious ''Boss'' of Tammany society who headed New York City''s ''Tweed Ring'' until his financial frauds were exposed in 1871. (Photo by C. T. Brady Jr/Museum of the City of New York/Getty Images)

Fact CheckWe strive for accuracy and fairness. If you see something that doesn't look right, contact us!

Gangs of New York - Wikipedia

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 21:12

2002 film directed by Martin Scorsese

Gangs of New York is a 2002 American epic crime drama film[3] that was directed by Martin Scorsese, set in the New York City slums, and inspired by Herbert Asbury's 1927 nonfiction book The Gangs of New York. The screenplay was written by Jay Cocks, Steven Zaillian, and Kenneth Lonergan. The film stars Leonardo DiCaprio, Daniel Day-Lewis, and Cameron Diaz.

In 1863, a long-running Catholic''Protestant feud erupts into violence, just as an Irish immigrant group is protesting the low wages caused by an influx of freed slaves as well as the threat of conscription. Scorsese spent 20 years developing the project until in 1999 Harvey Weinstein and his production company Miramax Films acquired it.

Made in Cinecitt , Rome, and in New York, the film was completed by 2001, but its release was delayed by the September 11 attacks. Released on December 20, 2002, the film grossed $193 million worldwide against its $100 million budget and received positive reviews from critics for Day-Lewis' performance, Scorsese's directing, the production design and costume design; but criticized for its story. It was nominated for ten Oscars at the 75th Academy Awards.

Plot [ edit ] In the slum neighborhood of Five Points, Manhattan, in 1846, two gangs have engaged in a final battle (or "challenge") in Paradise Square over "who holds sway over the Five Points"; these two factions participating in this event are the Nativist Protestants led by William "Bill the Butcher" Cutting, and a group of Irish Catholic immigrants, the "Dead Rabbits", led by "Priest" Vallon. At the end of this battle, Bill kills Vallon and declares the Dead Rabbits outlawed. Having witnessed this, Vallon's young son hides the knife that killed his father and is taken to an orphanage on Blackwell's Island.

Sixteen years later, in 1862, Vallon's son, using the alias of Amsterdam, returns to the Five Points seeking revenge and retrieves the knife. An old acquaintance, Johnny Sirocco, familiarizes him with the local clans of gangs and thieves, all of whom pay tribute to Bill, who controls the neighborhood. Amsterdam is finally introduced to Bill, but keeps his past a secret, seeking to be recruited. He learns that many of his father's former loyalists are now in Bill's employ. Each year, Bill celebrates the anniversary of his victory over the Dead Rabbits; Amsterdam plans to murder him secretly during this celebration.

Amsterdam becomes attracted to pickpocket and grifter Jenny Everdeane, with whom Johnny is infatuated. Amsterdam gains Bill's confidence and Bill becomes his mentor, involving him in the dealings of corrupt Tammany Hall politician William M. Tweed. Amsterdam saves Bill from an assassination attempt, and is tormented by the thought that he may have done so out of honest devotion.

On the evening of the anniversary, Johnny, in a fit of jealousy over Jenny's affections for Amsterdam, reveals Amsterdam's true identity and intentions to Bill. Bill baits Amsterdam with a knife throwing act involving Jenny. As Bill toasts Priest Vallon, Amsterdam throws his knife, but Bill deflects it and wounds Amsterdam with a counter throw. Bill then beats him and burns his cheek with a hot blade. Going into hiding, Jenny nurses Amsterdam back to health and implores him to escape with her to San Francisco.

Amsterdam, however, returns to the Five Points seeking vengeance, and announces his return by hanging a dead rabbit in Paradise Square. Bill sends corrupt policeman Mulraney to investigate, but Amsterdam kills him and hangs his body in the square. In retaliation, Bill has Johnny beaten and run through with a pike, leaving it to Amsterdam to end his suffering. The incident garners newspaper coverage, and Amsterdam presents Tweed with a plan to defeat Bill's influence: Tweed will back the candidacy of Monk McGinn for sheriff and Amsterdam will secure the Irish vote for Tammany. Monk wins in a landslide (the election had been rigged by the Dead Rabbits), and a humiliated Bill murders him. McGinn's death prompts an angry Amsterdam to challenge Bill to a gang battle in Paradise Square for order, which Bill accepts.

Citywide draft riots break out just as the gangs are preparing to fight, and Union Army soldiers are deployed to control the rioters. As the rival gangs face off, cannon fire from naval ships is fired directly into Paradise Square, interrupting their battle shortly before it begins. Between the cannons, soldiers, and rioters, many of the gang members are killed. Bill and Amsterdam face off against one another until Bill gets wounded by a piece of shrapnel. Amsterdam then uses his father's knife to stab Bill, killing him and ending his reign at last. Afterward, Amsterdam and Jenny leave New York together to start a new life in San Francisco. Before they leave, Amsterdam buries Bill in a cemetery in Brooklyn next to his father. As Amsterdam and Jenny leave the cemetery, the final scene of the film shows the skyline changing in a time-lapse over the next hundred and forty years as modern Manhattan is built, from the Brooklyn Bridge to the World Trade Center, and the cemetery becomes overgrown and forgotten.

Cast [ edit ] Production [ edit ] The country was up for grabs, and New York was a powder keg. This was the America not the West with its wide open spaces, but of claustrophobia, where everyone was crushed together. On one hand, you had the first great wave of immigration, the Irish, who were Catholic, spoke Gaelic, and owed allegiance to the Vatican. On the other hand, there were the Nativists, who felt that they were the ones who had fought and bled, and died for the nation. They looked at the Irish coming off the boats and said, "What are you doing here?" It was chaos, tribal chaos. Gradually, there was a street by street, block by block, working out of democracy as people learned somehow to live together. If democracy didn't happen in New York, it wasn't going to happen anywhere.'-- Martin Scorsese on how he saw the history of New York City as the battleground of the modern American democracy[4]Filmmaker Martin Scorsese had grown up in Little Italy in the borough of Manhattan in New York City during the 1950s. At the time, he had noticed there were parts of his neighborhood that were much older than the rest, including tombstones from the 1810s in Old St. Patrick's Cathedral, cobblestone streets and small basements located under more recent large buildings; this sparked Scorsese's curiosity about the history of the area: "I gradually realized that the Italian-Americans weren't the first ones there, that other people had been there before us. As I began to understand this, it fascinated me. I kept wondering, how did New York look? What were the people like? How did they walk, eat, work, dress?"[4]

Writing [ edit ] In 1970, Scorsese came across Herbert Asbury's The Gangs of New York: An Informal History of the Underworld (1927) about the city's nineteenth-century criminal underworld and found it to be a revelation. In the portraits of the city's criminals, Scorsese saw the potential for an American epic about the battle for the modern American democracy.[4] At the time, Scorsese was a young director without money or fame; by the end of the decade, with the success of crime films such as Mean Streets (1973), about his old neighborhood, and Taxi Driver (1976), he was a rising star. In 1979, he acquired screen rights to Asbury's book; however, it took twenty years to get the production moving forward. Difficulties arose with reproducing the monumental city scape of nineteenth century New York with the style and detail Scorsese wanted; almost nothing in New York City looked as it did in that time, and filming elsewhere was not an option. Eventually, in 1999, Scorsese was able to find a partnership with Harvey Weinstein, noted producer and co-chairman of Miramax Films.[4] Jay Cocks was retained by Scorsese for the film script adaptation which was reported in The New Yorker in March 2000 as having gone through nine revised drafts of development with Scorsese.[5]

Set design [ edit ] In order to create the sets that Scorsese envisioned, the production was filmed at the large Cinecitt Studio in Rome, Italy. Production designer Dante Ferretti recreated over a mile of mid-nineteenth century New York buildings, consisting of a five-block area of Lower Manhattan, including the Five Points slum, a section of the East River waterfront including two full-sized sailing ships, a thirty-building stretch of lower Broadway, a patrician mansion, and replicas of Tammany Hall, a church, a saloon, a Chinese theater, and a gambling casino.[4] For the Five Points, Ferretti recreated George Catlin's painting of the area.[4]

Rehearsals and character development [ edit ] Particular attention was also paid to the speech of characters, as loyalties were often revealed by their accents. The film's voice coach, Tim Monich, resisted using a generic Irish brogue and instead focused on distinctive dialects of Ireland and Great Britain. As DiCaprio's character was born in Ireland but raised in the United States, his accent was designed to be a blend of accents typical of the half-Americanized. To develop the unique, lost accents of the Yankee "Nativists" such as Daniel Day-Lewis's character, Monich studied old poems, ballads, newspaper articles (which sometimes imitated spoken dialect as a form of humor) and the Rogue's Lexicon, a book of underworld idioms compiled by New York's police commissioner, so that his men would be able to tell what criminals were talking about. An important piece was an 1892 wax cylinder recording of Walt Whitman reciting four lines of a poem in which he pronounced the word "Earth" as "Uth", and the "a" of "an" nasal and flat, like "ayan". Monich concluded that native nineteenth-century New Yorkers probably sounded something like the proverbial Brooklyn cabbie of the mid-20th century.[4]

Filming [ edit ] Principal photography began in New York and Rome on December 18, 2000, and ended on March 30, 2001.[6] Due to the strong personalities and clashing visions of director and producer,[clarification needed ] the three year production became a story in and of itself.[4][7][8][9] Scorsese strongly defended his artistic vision on issues of taste and length while Weinstein fought for a streamlined, more commercial version. During the delays, noted actors such as Robert De Niro and Willem Dafoe had to leave the production due to conflicts with their other productions. Costs overshot the original budget by 25 percent, bringing the total cost over $100 million.[7] The increased budget made the film vital to Miramax Films' short term success.[8][10]

Post-production and distribution [ edit ] After post-production was nearly completed in 2001, the film was delayed for over a year. The official justification was after the September 11, 2001 attacks, certain elements of the picture may have made audiences uncomfortable; the film's closing shot is a view of modern-day New York City, complete with the World Trade Center's towers, despite their having been destroyed by the attacks over a year before the film's release.[11] However, this explanation was refuted in Scorsese's own contemporary statements, where he noted that the production was still filming pick-ups even into October 2002.[8][12] The filmmakers had also considered having the towers removed out of the shot to acknowledge their disappearance, or remove the entire sequence altogether. It was ultimately decided to keep the towers unaltered.[13]

Weinstein kept demanding cuts to the film's length, and some of those cuts were eventually made. In December 2001, Jeffrey Wells[who? ] reviewed a purported workprint of the film as it existed in the fall of 2001. Wells reported the work print lacked narration, was about 20 minutes longer, and although it was "different than the [theatrical] version ... scene after scene after scene play[s] exactly the same in both." Despite the similarities, Wells found the work print to be richer and more satisfying than the theatrical version. While Scorsese has stated the theatrical version is his final cut, he reportedly "passed along [the] three-hour-plus [work print] version of Gangs on tape [to friends] and confided, 'Putting aside my contractual obligation to deliver a shorter, two-hour-and-forty-minute version to Miramax, this is the version I'm happiest with,' or words to that effect."[11]

In an interview with Roger Ebert, Scorsese clarified the real issues in the cutting of the film. Ebert notes,

His discussions with Weinstein, he said, were always about finding the length where the picture worked. When that got to the press, it was translated into fights. The movie is currently 168 minutes long, he said, and that is the right length, and that's why there won't be any director's cut '-- because this is the director's cut.[14]

Soundtrack [ edit ] Robbie Robertson supervised the soundtrack's collection of eclectic pop, folk, and neo-classical tracks.

Historicity [ edit ] Scorsese received both praise and criticism for historical depictions in the film. In a PBS interview for the History News Network, George Washington University professor Tyler Anbinder said that the visuals and discrimination of immigrants in the film were historically accurate, but both the amount of violence depicted and the number of Chinese, particularly female, immigrants were much more common in the film than in reality.[15][16]

Asbury's book described the Bowery Boys, Plug Uglies, True Blue Americans, Shirt Tails, and Dead Rabbits, who were named after their battle standard, a dead rabbit on a pike.[4] The book also described William Poole, the inspiration for William "Bill the Butcher" Cutting, a member of the Bowery Boys, a bare-knuckle boxer, and a leader of the Know Nothing political movement. Poole did not come from the Five Points and was assassinated nearly a decade before the Draft Riots. Both the fictional Bill and the real one had butcher shops, but Poole is not known to have killed anyone.[17][18] The book also described other famous gangsters from the era such as Red Rocks Farrell, Slobbery Jim and Hell-Cat Maggie, who filed her front teeth to points and wore artificial brass fingernails.[4]

Anbinder said that Scorsese's recreation of the visual environment of mid-19th century New York City and the Five Points "couldn't have been much better".[15] All sets were built completely on the exterior stages of Cinecitt Studios in Rome.[19] By 1860, New York City had 200,000 mostly Catholic Irish immigrants[20] in a population of 800,000.[21]

According to Paul S. Boyer, "The period from the 1830s to the 1850s was a time of almost continuous disorder and turbulence among the urban poor. The decade from 1834''1844 saw more than 200 major gang wars in New York City alone, and in other cities the pattern was similar."[22]

As early as 1839, Mayor Philip Hone said: "This city is infested by gangs of hardened wretches" who "patrol the streets making night hideous and insulting all who are not strong enough to defend themselves."[23] The large gang fight depicted in the film as occurring in 1846 is fictional, though there was one between the Bowery Boys and Dead Rabbits in the Five Points on July 4, 1857, which is not mentioned in the film.[24] Reviewer Vincent DiGirolamo concludes that "Gangs of New York becomes a historical epic with no change over time. The effect is to freeze ethno-cultural rivalries over the course of three decades and portray them as irrational ancestral hatreds unaltered by demographic shifts, economic cycles and political realignments."[25]

In the film, the Draft Riots are depicted mostly as acts of destruction but there was considerable violence during that week in July 1863, which resulted in more than one hundred deaths, mostly freed African-Americans. They were especially targeted by the Irish, in part because of fears of job competition that more freed slaves would cause in the city.[26] The bombardment of the city by Navy ships offshore to quell the riots is wholly fictitious. The film references the infamous Tweed Courthouse, as "Boss" Tweed refers to plans for the structure as being "modest" and "economical".[citation needed ]

In the film, Chinese Americans were common enough in the city to have their own community and public venues. Although Chinese people migrated to America as early as the 1840s, significant Chinese migration to New York City did not begin until 1869, the time when the transcontinental railroad was completed. The Chinese theater on Pell St. was not finished until the 1890s.[27] The Old Brewery, the overcrowded tenement shown in the movie in both 1846 and 1862''63, was actually demolished in 1852.[28]

Release [ edit ] The original target release date was December 21, 2001, in time for the 2001 Academy Awards but the production overshot that goal as Scorsese was still filming.[8][12] A twenty-minute clip, billed as an "extended preview", debuted at the 2002 Cannes Film Festival and was shown at a star-studded event at the Palais des Festivals et des Congr¨s with Scorsese, DiCaprio, Diaz and Weinstein in attendance.[12]

Harvey Weinstein then wanted the film to open on December 25, 2002, but a potential conflict with another film starring Leonardo DiCaprio, Catch Me If You Can produced by DreamWorks, caused him to move the opening day to an earlier position. After negotiations between several parties, including the interests of DiCaprio, Weinstein and DreamWorks' Jeffrey Katzenberg, the decision was made on economic grounds: DiCaprio did not want to face a conflict of promoting two movies opening against each other; Katzenberg was able to convince Weinstein that the violence and adult material in Gangs of New York would not necessarily attract families on Christmas Day. Of main concern to all involved was attempting to maximize the film's opening day, an important part of film industry economics.[8]

After three years in production, the film was released on December 20, 2002, a year after its original planned release date.[12] While the film has been released on DVD and Blu-ray, there are no plans to revisit the theatrical cut or prepare a "director's cut" for home video release. "Marty doesn't believe in that," editor Thelma Schoonmaker stated. "He believes in showing only the finished film."[11]

Reception [ edit ] Box office [ edit ] The film made $77,812,000 in Canada and the United States. It also took $23,763,699 in Japan and $16,358,580 in the United Kingdom. Worldwide the film grossed a total of $193,772,504.[29]

Critical reception [ edit ] On review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, the film has an approval rating of 73% based on 210 reviews, with an average rating of 7.11/10. The website's critical consensus reads, "Though flawed, the sprawling, messy Gangs of New York is redeemed by impressive production design and Day-Lewis's electrifying performance."[30] Another review aggregator, Metacritic, gave the film a score of 72 out of 100, based on 39 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".[31]

Roger Ebert praised the film but believed it fell short of Scorsese's best work, while his At the Movies co-star Richard Roeper called it a "masterpiece" and declared it a leading contender for Best Picture.[32] Paul Clinton of CNN called the film "a grand American epic".[33] In Variety, Todd McCarthy wrote that the film "falls somewhat short of great film status, but is still a richly impressive and densely realized work that bracingly opens the eye and mind to untaught aspects of American history." McCarthy singled out the meticulous attention to historical detail and production design for particular praise.[34]

Some critics were disappointed with the film, with one review on CinemaBlend feeling it was overly violent with few characters worth caring about.[35][36] Norman Berdichevsky of the New English Review wrote in a negative critique that some locals in Spain who had watched Gangs of New York had several anti-American beliefs "confirmed" afterwards, which he felt was due to the film's gratuitous violence, historical inaccuracies, and general depiction of American society "in the worst possible light".[37] Others felt it tried to tackle too many themes without saying anything unique about them, and that the overall story was weak.[38]

Top ten lists [ edit ] Gangs of New York was listed on many critics' top ten lists.[39]

1st '' Peter Travers, Rolling Stone1st '' Richard Roeper, Ebert & Roeper[40]2nd '' Richard Corliss, Time Magazine2nd '' Ann Hornaday, Washington Post3rd '' F. X. Feeney, L.A. Weekly3rd '' Scott Tobias, The A.V. Club[41]5th '' Jami Bernard, New York Daily News5th '' Claudia Puig, USA Today6th '' Mike Clark, USA Today6th '' Nathan Rabin, The A.V. Club[41]6th '' Chris Kaltenbach, Baltimore Sun8th '' A.O. Scott, The New York Times9th '' Stephen Holden, The New York TimesTop 10 (listed alphabetically) '' Mark Olsen, L.A. WeeklyTop 10 (listed alphabetically) '' Carrie Rickey, Philadelphia InquirerAwards [ edit ] See also [ edit ] Irish Americans in New York CityIrish Brigade (US)List of identities in The Gangs of New York (book)References [ edit ] ^ "Gangs of New York (18)". British Board of Film Classification. December 10, 2002 . Retrieved October 5, 2016 . ^ a b "Gangs of New York (2002)". Box Office Mojo . Retrieved February 27, 2017 . ^ "Gangs of New York (2002) - Martin Scorsese | Synopsis, Characteristics, Moods, Themes and Related". AllMovie . Retrieved February 21, 2020 . ^ a b c d e f g h i j Fergus M. Bordewich (December 2002). "Manhattan Mayhem". Smithsonian Magazine . Retrieved July 15, 2010 . ^ Singer, Mark (2000). "The Man Who Forgets Nothing". The New Yorker. March 19, 2000. [1] ^ "Gangs of New York (2002) - Original Print Information". Turner Classic Movies . Retrieved August 19, 2020 . ^ a b Laura M. Holson (April 7, 2002). "2 Hollywood Titans Brawl Over a Gang Epic". The New York Times . Retrieved July 15, 2010 . ^ a b c d e Laura M. Holson, Miramax Bslinks, and a Double DiCaprio Vanishes, The New York Times, October 11, 2002; accessed July 15, 2010. ^ Rick Lyman (February 12, 2003). "It's Harvey Weinstein's Turn to Gloat". The New York Times . Retrieved July 15, 2010 . ^ Dana Harris, Cathy Dunkley (May 15, 2001). "Miramax, Scorsese gang up". Variety . Retrieved July 15, 2010 . ^ a b c Jeffrey Wells. "Hollywood Elsewhere: Gangs vs. Gangs". Archived from the original on October 26, 2007 . Retrieved December 20, 2010 . ^ a b c d Cathy Dunkley (May 20, 2002). "Gangs of the Palais". Variety . Retrieved July 15, 2010 . ^ Bosley, Rachel K. "Mean Streets". American Cinematographer. American Society of Cinematographers . Retrieved July 26, 2015 . ^ "Gangs all here for Scorsese". Chicago Sun-Times. December 15, 2002 . Retrieved September 6, 2010 . ^ a b History News Network Archived December 9, 2003, at the Wayback Machine ^ DiGirolamo's, Vincent (2004). "Such, Such Were the B'hoys". Radical History Review. 90: 123''41. ^ "Gangs of New York", HerbertAsbury.com; accessed October 5, 2016. ^ "Bill the Butcher" Archived August 25, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, HerbertAsbury.com; accessed October 5, 2016. ^ Mixing Art and a Brutal History Archived August 17, 2007, at the Wayback Machine ^ The New York Irish, Ronald H. Bayor and Timothy Meagher, eds. (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996) ^ Ruskin Teeter, "19th century AD", Adolescence (1995) via findarticles.com; accessed June 29, 2017. ^ Paul S. Boyer (1992). Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920, Harvard University Press; ISBN 0674931106 ^ Gangs, Crime, Smut, Violence. The New York Times. September 20, 1990. ^ Riots, virtualny.cuny.edu; accessed October 5, 2016. ^ (RE)VIEWS: Vincent DiGirolamo "Such, Such Were the B'hoys..." '' Radical History Review, Fall 2004 (90): 123''41; doi:10.1215/01636545-2004-90-123 Gangs of New York, directed by Martin Scorsese. Miramax Films, 2002, rhr.dukejournals.org; accessed November 10, 2014. ^ Johnson, Michael."The New York Draft Riots". Reading the American Past, 2009 p. 295. ^ Hamill, Pete. "Trampling city's history." New York Daily News; retrieved October 4, 2009. ^ R.K. Chin,"A Journey Through Chinatown", nychinatown.org; accessed May 11, 2017. ^ "Gangs of New York" . Retrieved September 6, 2010 . ^ "Gangs of New York (2002)". Rotten Tomatoes. Fandango Media . Retrieved October 19, 2019 . ^ "Gangs of New York Reviews". Metacritic. CBS Interactive. February 7, 2003 . Retrieved July 10, 2011 . ^ Roger Ebert and Richard Roeper. "At the Movies: Gangs of New York" . Retrieved December 20, 2002 . [dead slink ] ^ Paul Clinton (December 19, 2002). "Review: Epic 'Gangs' Oscar-worthy effort". CNN. Archived from the original on May 3, 2007 . Retrieved December 19, 2002 . ^ Todd McCarthy (December 5, 2002). "Review: Gangs of New York Review". Variety . Retrieved December 5, 2002 . ^ "Gangs of New York". CINEMABLEND. May 27, 2016 . Retrieved February 21, 2020 . ^ "Joshua Tyler Movie Reviews & Previews". Rotten Tomatoes . Retrieved February 21, 2020 . ^ "Scorsese's Gangs of New York: How the Left Misuses American History". www.newenglishreview.org . Retrieved February 21, 2020 . ^ "Gangs of New York negative reviews". ^ https://web.archive.org/web/20090122093012/http://www.metacritic.com/film/awards/2002/toptens.shtml ^ https://www.innermind.com/misc/e_r_top.htm ^ a b https://www.avclub.com/the-year-in-film-2002-1798208253 ^ Bafta.org ^ Chicagofilmcritics.org Archived May 15, 2012, at the Wayback Machine ^ BFCA.org Archived June 4, 2012, at Archive.today ^ Ropeofscilicon.com Archived December 8, 2009, at the Wayback Machine ^ Las Vegas Film Critics Society Awards, LVFCS.org; accessed May 11, 2017. ^ NYFCC.com Archived December 19, 2008, at the Wayback Machine ^ Rottentomatoes.com Archived February 6, 2003, at the Wayback Machine ^ Ropeofsilicon.com Archived January 22, 2009, at the Wayback Machine ^ Sefca.com Archived December 17, 2010, at the Wayback Machine Further reading [ edit ] Baker, Aaron, ed. A companion to Martin Scorsese (2015)Lohr, Matt R. "Irish-American Identity in the Films of Martin Scorsese." A companion to Martin Scorsese (2015): 195-213.Gilfoyle, Timothy J. "Scorsese's Gangs of New York: Why Myth Matters." Journal of Urban History 29.5 (2003): 620-630.O'Brien, Martin, et al. " 'The spectacle of fearsome acts': Crime in the melting p(l)ot in Gangs of New York." Critical Criminology 13.1 (2005): 17-35. onlinePalmer, Bryan D. "The Hands That Built America: A Class-Politics Appreciation of Martin Scorsese's The Gangs of New York." Historical Materialism 11.4 (2003): 317-345. OnlineScorsese, Martin, et al. Gangs of New York: making the movie (Miramax Books, 2002).External slinks [ edit ] Gangs of New York on IMDbGangs of New York at the TCM Movie DatabaseGangs of New York at AllMovieGangs of New York at Rotten TomatoesGangs of New York at Box Office Mojo

The Shootist - Wikipedia

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 21:11

1976 American Western film by Don Siegel

The Shootist is a 1976 American Western film directed by Don Siegel and based on Glendon Swarthout's 1975 novel of the same name.[2] It is notable as John Wayne's final film role. The screenplay was written by Miles Hood Swarthout (the son of the author) and Scott Hale. The supporting cast includes Lauren Bacall, Ron Howard, James Stewart, Richard Boone, Hugh O'Brian, Harry Morgan, John Carradine, Sheree North, Scatman Crothers, and Rick Lenz.

In 1977, The Shootist received an Oscar nomination for Best Art Direction (Robert F. Boyle, Arthur Jeph Parker), a BAFTA Film Award nomination for Best Actress (Lauren Bacall), and a Golden Globe Award nomination for Best Supporting Actor (Ron Howard), as well as the National Board of Review Award as one of the Top Ten Films of 1976. The film received widespread critical acclaim, garnering a 90% positive rating on Rotten Tomatoes.

Plot [ edit ] The film begins with clips of John Wayne's past films.

Aging gunfighter John Bernard "J.B." Books arrives in Carson City, Nevada on the same date as Queen Victoria's death: January 22, 1901. Books' life is also ending soon as he is diagnosed with terminal cancer by "Doc" Hostetler. Doc directs Books to a boarding house owned by Bond Rogers, a widow who lives with her teenaged son, Gillom. Books' attempt to remain anonymous fails and Bond, unreceptive to Books, summons Marshal Thibido. Thibido orders Books to leave town until Books says he will die soon. Thibido allows him to stay, but wishes him a quick death. Word spreads that Books is in town, causing all manner of trouble from those seeking to profit off his name to those seeking to kill him. Doc prescribes laudanum to ease Books' pain, and advises him to choose how he dies, as opposed to allowing the cancer to do it. Books orders a headstone, but rejects the undertaker's offer of a free funeral, suspecting he would charge the public admission to view his remains. Two strangers seeking notoriety try to ambush Books as he sleeps, but he kills them. Gillom is impressed, but his mother is losing boarders and she is angry. She is also concerned the fatherless Gillom will be influenced by violence and alcohol. Books and Gillom have a dispute over Gillom procuring a buyer for Books' horse without his permission, but resolve their differences and their relationship improves after a shooting lesson. Books asks Gillom to tell three men - Mike Sweeney, Jack Pulford and Jay Cobb - that he will be at the Metropole Saloon at 11 am on January 29, Books' birthday. Sweeney seeks revenge for Books' killing of his brother, Pulford owns the saloon and gambles professionally, and Cobb is Gillom's employer.

On January 29, the headstone arrives which includes Books' death year as "1901" but no day carved. Books gives Gillom his horse, bids farewell to Bond, who has grown to like him, then boards a trolley for the Metropole Saloon. The room is deserted except for the four men and the bartender. Books orders a drink and raises a toast to his birthday and his three "guests". First Cobb, then Sweeney, and finally Pulford all attempt to shoot Books, who successfully shoots and kills all three, but is wounded in the gunfight. Gillom enters the bar in time to see the bartender fire a shotgun into Books' back as Books turns to leave. Gillom kills the bartender with Books' gun, then throws the pistol across the saloon. Books smiles, nods approval at Gillom's decision, and dies. Gillom covers Books' face and leaves the bar in silence as Doc arrives. Gillom sees his mother outside and they walk home together.

Cast [ edit ] Production [ edit ] After producer Mike Frankovich announced that he had purchased the movie rights to Glendon Swarthout's novel The Shootist, Wayne expressed a strong desire to play the title role, reportedly because of similarities to the character Jimmy Ringo in The Gunfighter, a role he had turned down 25 years previously.[3][4] He was not initially considered due to the health and stamina issues he had experienced during filming of his penultimate film, Rooster Cogburn.[5] Paul Newman passed on the role, as did George C. Scott, Charles Bronson, Gene Hackman, and Clint Eastwood, before it was finally offered to Wayne. Although his compromised lung capacity made breathing and mobility difficult at Carson City's 4,600 ft (1,400 m) altitude, and production had to be shut down for a week while he recovered from influenza, Wayne completed the filming without further significant medical issues.[6]

The Shootist was Wayne's final cinematic role, concluding a 50-year career that began during the silent film era in 1926. Wayne was not, as sometimes reported, terminally ill when the film was made in 1976. A heavy cigarette smoker for most of his life, he had been diagnosed with lung cancer in 1964, and underwent surgical removal of his left lung and several ribs. He remained clinically cancer-free until early 1979, when metastases were discovered in his stomach, intestines, and spine; he died in June of that year.[7] Nonetheless, following the release of The Shootist, Wayne appeared in a television public service announcement for the American Cancer Society that began with the scene in which Wayne's character is informed of his cancer. Wayne then added that he had enacted the same scene in real life 12 years earlier.[8]

The film's expansive outdoor scenes were filmed on location in Carson City. Bond Rogers' boarding house is the 1914 Krebs-Peterson House, located in Carson City's historic residential district. The buggy ride was shot at Washoe Lake State Park, in the Washoe Valley, between Reno and Carson City. Though it was a Paramount production, the street scenes and most interior shots were filmed at the Warner Bros. backlot and sound stages in Burbank, California.[9] The horse-drawn trolley was an authentic one, once used as a shuttle between El Paso and Juarez, Mexico.[10]

Wayne's contract gave him script approval, and he made a number of major and minor changes, including the location (from El Paso to Carson City),[11] and the ending. In the book and original screenplay, Jack Pulford was shot in the back by Books, and a fatally wounded Books, in turn, was put out of his misery by Gillom; Wayne maintained that over his entire film career, he had never shot an adversary in the back and would not do so now. He also objected to his character being killed by Gillom and suggested that the bartender do it, because "no one could ever take John Wayne in a fair fight".[12]

Wayne was also responsible for many casting decisions. Several friends and past co-stars, including Bacall, Stewart, Boone, and Carradine, were cast at his request. James Stewart had not worked in films for a number of years, due in part to a severe hearing impairment, but he accepted the role as a favor to Wayne. Stewart and Wayne had worked together in just two previous films, also Westerns, The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance and How the West Was Won, both released in 1962.

While filming the scene in the doctor's office, both Stewart and Wayne repeatedly muffed their lines over a long series of takes, until director Don Siegel finally pleaded with them to try harder. "If you want the scene done better," joked Wayne, "you'd better get yourself a couple of better actors." Later, Wayne commented in private that Stewart knew his lines, but apparently could not hear his cues.[13]

Another casting stipulation was the horse owned and given away by Wayne's character, a favorite sorrel gelding named Dollor that Wayne had ridden in Big Jake, The Cowboys, True Grit, Rooster Cogburn, Chisum, and The Train Robbers. Wayne had negotiated exclusive movie rights to Dollor with the horse's owner, Dick Webb Movie Productions, and requested script changes enabling him to mention Dollor's name several times.[14]

By one account, Wayne's numerous directorial suggestions and script alterations caused considerable friction between director and star,[11] but Siegel said that Wayne and he got along well. "He had plenty of his own ideas ... some I liked, which gave me inspirations, and some I didn't like. But we didn't fight over any of it. We liked each other and respected each other."[15]

Reception [ edit ] Box office [ edit ] Upon its theatrical release, The Shootist was a minor success, grossing $13,406,138 domestically,[1] About $6 million were earned as US theatrical rentals.[16]

Critical [ edit ] It was named one of the Ten Best Films of 1976 by the National Board of Review, along with Rocky, All the President's Men, and Network. Film critic Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times ranked The Shootist number 10 on his list of the 10 best films of 1976.[17] The film was nominated for an Oscar, a Golden Globe, a BAFTA film award, and a Writers Guild of America award. The film currently has a 86% "Fresh" rating on the review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes, based on 22 reviews.[18] The film was nominated by the American Film Institute as one of the best Western films in 2008.[19]

Quentin Tarantino later wrote, "There's nothing in The Shootist you haven't seen done many times before and done better...but what you haven't seen before is a dying John Wayne give his last performance. And its Wayne's performance, and the performances of some of the surrounding characters (Howard, Richard Boone, Harry Morgan, and Sheree North) that make The Shootist, not the classic it wants to be, but memorable nonetheless."[20]

Awards nominations [ edit ] NovelWestern Writers of America, Spur Award winner - "Best Western Novel" - 1975 (as: "one of the best western novels ever written." and as: "one of the 10 greatest Western novels written in the 20th century.")Also in 2008, the American Film Institute nominated this film for its Top 10 Western Films list.[22]

See also [ edit ] John Wayne filmographyReferences [ edit ] ^ a b Box Office Information for The Shootist. Worldwide Box Office. Retrieved September 18, 2013. ^ Swarthout, Glendon (1975). The Shootist, New York, New York: Doubleday. ISBN 0-385-06099-8 ^ Roberts, R. and Olson, S. John Wayne: American. New York: Free Press (1995), pp. 121-2. ISBN 978-0-02-923837-0. ^ Hyams, J. The Life and Times of the Western Movie. Gallery Books (1984), pp. 109-12. ISBN 0831755458 ^ Shepherd, Slatzer, & Grayson (2002), p. 306. ^ Shepherd D, Slatzer R, Grayson D. Duke: The Life and Times of John Wayne. Citadel (2002), pp. 293-5. ISBN 0806523409 ^ Bacon, J. "John Wayne: The Last Cowboy". Us Magazine, June 27, 1978, retrieved August 19, 2016. ^ YouTube: "John Wayne & Jimmy Stewart: American Cancer Society - Classic PSA (1970s)". Uploaded Sept. 13, 2012; retrieved June 3, 2019. Note: uploader misidentifies the film as The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance. ^ The Shootist locations. movie-locations.com, retrieved August 30, 2016. ^ Shepherd, Slatzer, & Grayson (2002), pp. 300-1 ^ a b Shepherd, Slatzer, & Grayson (2002), p. 298 ^ Hyams, J. The Life and Times of the Western Movie. Gallery Books (1984), pp. 214-5. ISBN 0831755458 ^ Shepherd, Slatzer, & Grayson (2002), p. 301. ^ Texas Couple Tend John Wayne's Horse To See That Fans Get Dollor's Worth. Texas Morning News (January 13, 1985), retrieved August 19, 2016. ^ Munn, M. John Wayne: The Man Behind the Myth. NAL (2005), p. 333 ^ Box Office Information for The Shootist. The Numbers. Retrieved September 18, 2013. ^ Roger Ebert's 10 Best Lists: 1967 to present. Archived January 13, 2014, at the Wayback Machine Roger Ebert's Journal. Retrieved September 18, 2013. ^ Movie Reviews for The Shootist. Rotten Tomatoes. Retrieved September 18, 2013. ^ "AFI's 10 Top 10 Nominees" (PDF) . Archived from the original on July 16, 2011 . Retrieved August 19, 2016 . CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (slink) ^ Tarantino, Quentin (December 24, 2019). "The Shootist". New Beverly Cinema. ^ "NY Times: The Shootist". NY Times . Retrieved December 30, 2008 . ^ "AFI's 10 Top 10 Nominees" (PDF) . Archived from the original on July 16, 2011 . Retrieved August 20, 2016 . CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (slink) External slinks [ edit ] The Shootist on IMDbThe Shootist at the TCM Movie DatabaseThe Shootist at AllMovieThe Shootist at Rotten TomatoesGlendon Swarthout website

Bass Reeves - Wikipedia

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 21:02

American lawman

Bass Reeves (July 1838 '' January 12, 1910) was an American law enforcement officer. He was the first black deputy U.S. marshal west of the Mississippi River. He worked mostly in Arkansas and the Oklahoma Territory.[a] During his long career, he was credited with arresting more than 3,000 felons. He shot and killed 14 people in self-defense.

Early life [ edit ] Reeves was born into slavery in Crawford County, Arkansas, in 1838.[1][2] He was named after his grandfather, Bass Washington. Reeves and his family were enslaved by Arkansas state legislator William Steele Reeves.[1] When Bass was eight (about 1846), William Reeves moved to Grayson County, Texas, near Sherman in the Peters Colony.[1] Bass Reeves may have been kept in bondage by William Steele Reeves's son, Colonel George R. Reeves, who was a sheriff and legislator in Texas, and a one-time Speaker of the Texas House of Representatives until his death from rabies in 1882.[3]

When the American Civil War began, George Reeves, Bass' enslaver, joined the Confederate Army, taking Bass with him. It is unclear how, and exactly when, Bass Reeves left his enslaver, but at some point during the Civil War, he gained his freedom. One account recalls how Bass Reeves and George Reeves had an altercation over a card game. Bass severely beat his enslaver, and fled to the Indian Territory where he lived among the Cherokee, Creeks and Seminoles.[2][3][4] Bass stayed in the Indian Territories and learned their languages until he was freed by the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, in 1865.[3]

As a freedman, Reeves moved to Arkansas and farmed near Van Buren. He married Nellie Jennie from Texas, with whom he had 11 children.[5][6][7][8]

Career [ edit ] Reeves and his family farmed until 1875, when Isaac Parker was appointed federal judge for the Indian Territory. Parker appointed James F. Fagan as U.S. marshal, directing him to hire 200 deputy U.S. marshals. Fagan had heard about Reeves, who knew the Indian Territory and could speak several Indian languages.[5] He recruited him as a deputy; Reeves was the first black deputy to serve west of the Mississippi River.[2][5] Reeves was assigned as a deputy U.S. marshal for the Western District of Arkansas, which had responsibility also for the Indian Territory.[9] He served there until 1893. That year he transferred to the Eastern District of Texas in Paris, Texas, for a short while. In 1897, he was transferred again, serving at the Muskogee Federal Court in the Indian Territory.[9]

Reeves worked for 32 years as a federal peace officer in the Indian Territory, and became one of Judge Parker's most valued deputies. Reeves brought in some of the most dangerous criminals of the time, but was never wounded, despite having his hat and belt shot off on separate occasions.[2]

In addition to being a marksman with a rifle and revolver, Reeves developed superior detective skills during his long career. When he retired in 1907, Reeves claimed to have arrested over 3,000 felons.[2][5] He is said to have shot and killed 14 outlaws to defend his life.[5]

Once, he had to arrest his own son for murder.[2] One of his sons, Bennie Reeves, was charged with the murder of his wife. Deputy Marshal Reeves was disturbed and shaken by the incident, but allegedly demanded the responsibility of bringing Bennie to justice. Bennie was eventually tracked and captured, tried, and convicted. He served his time in Fort Leavenworth in Kansas before being released, and reportedly lived the rest of his life as a responsible and model citizen.[2]

When Oklahoma became a state in 1907, Bass Reeves, then 68, became an officer of the Muskogee Police Department.[2] He served for two years before he became ill and retired.[5]

Later years and death [ edit ] Reeves was himself once charged with murdering a posse cook. At his trial before Judge Parker, Reeves was represented by former United States Attorney W. H. H. Clayton, who was a colleague and friend. Reeves was acquitted.[10]

Reeves' health began to fail further after retiring. He died of Bright's disease (nephritis) on January 12, 1910.[5]

He was a great-uncle of Paul L. Brady, who became the first black man appointed as a federal administrative law judge in 1972.[11] His great-great-great-grandson is National Hockey League player Ryan Reaves.[12]

Legacy [ edit ] Historian Art Burton postulated the theory that Bass Reeves may have served as inspiration for the character of the Lone Ranger. Burton makes this argument based on the sheer number of people Reeves arrested without taking any serious injury, coupled with many of these arrested were incarcerated in the Detroit House of Correction, the same city where the Lone Ranger radio plays were broadcast on WXYZ.[13] This theory is disputed.[14][15]In 2011, the US-62 Bridge, which spans the Arkansas River between Muskogee and Fort Gibson, Oklahoma, was renamed the Bass Reeves Memorial Bridge.[16]In May 2012, a bronze statue of Reeves by Oklahoma sculptor Harold Holden was erected in Pendergraft Park in Fort Smith, Arkansas.[17]In 2013, he was inducted into the Texas Trail of Fame.[18]Television [ edit ] Reeves is the subject of the Season two Episode four of Gunslingers, "The real lone ranger".Reeves figures prominently in an episode of How It's Made, in which a Bass Reeves limited-edition collectors' figurine is shown in various stages of the production process.[19]In "The Murder of Jesse James", an episode of the television series Timeless (season one, episode 12), Bass Reeves is portrayed by Colman Domingo.[20]Reeves was a featured subject of the Drunk History episode "Oklahoma" in which he was portrayed by Jaleel White.In "Everybody Knows", a season two episode of the television series Wynonna Earp, Reeves is portrayed by Adrian Holmes.Bass Reeves is mentioned in the plot of "The Royal Family", a season two episode of the television series Greenleaf. Reeves' name is used as an alias by pastor Basie Skanks to support his church with gambling earnings.Bass Reeves' status as one of the first black sheriffs plays a significant role as a childhood role model for the character of Will Reeves in the Watchmen television series.Bass Reeves is mentioned in Season 3 Episode 2 of the television series Justified as two US Marshals are discussing their all-time favorite historical US Marshals.Film [ edit ] Bass Reeves, a 2010 fictionalized account of Reeves's life and career, stars James A. House in the titular role.[21]In They Die by Dawn (2013), Bass Reeves is portrayed by Harry Lennix.Hell On The Border is a 2019 action film based on the early law enforcement career of Bass Reeves, starring David Gyasi. It was written and directed by Wes Miller and features Ron Perlman in a supporting role.[22]A miniseries based on Burton's 2006 biography (and co-produced by Morgan Freeman) is reportedly under development by HBO.[23]As of April 2018, Amazon Studios is developing a biopic of Reeves with the script and direction helmed by Chlo(C) Zhao.[24]Theatre [ edit ] A stage play about Reeves entitled Cowboy written and directed by Layon Gray was presented at the 2019 National Black Theatre Festival.Games [ edit ] Bass Reeves is a character in the miniature wargame Wild West Exodus.Bass Reeves is a playable character in the board game Western Legends.Bass Reeves served as the inspiration for Sheriff Freeman in Red Dead Redemption 2.[citation needed ]Bass Reeves served as the inspiration for Cornelius Basse in the miniature wargame Malifaux.Hall of fame [ edit ] In 1992, he was inducted into the Hall of Great Westerners of the National Cowboy & Western Heritage Museum.[25]

Literature [ edit ] Reeves is featured in the semi-biographical 2019 novel, Miss Chisum, by Russ Brown. Where as a boy in Paris, Texas in the 1850s he is portrayed as being befriended by a young adult John Chisum. They meet again later in life where it is revealed that Chisum had been a role model for the young Reeves.Reeves is also featured in the historical fiction novel, Follow the Angels, Follow the Doves: The Bass Reeves Trilogy, Book One, by Sidney Thompson, which follows Bass Reeves' origin as a slave in the 19th century south, before he could stake his claim as one of the most successful American lawman in history--capturing over 3,000 outlaws during his thirty-two-year career as a deputy U.S. marshal, deep in the most dangerous regions of the Old Wild West.[26]Bass Reeves is the subject of a 2020 comic book titled "Bass Reeves", produced by Allegiance Arts & Entertainment, and written by Kevin Grevioux with art by David Williams.Bass Reeves will appear in Un cow-boy dans le coton, an upcoming album in the Lucky Luke Belgian comic book series by Jul and Achd(C).Bass Reeves is the subject of the book, The Legend of Bass Reeves, by Gary Paulsen, which features both true and fictional accounts of Reeves.[27]Notes [ edit ] ^ Indian Territory comprised most of what became Eastern Oklahoma on November 16, 1907, when Oklahoma became a state. Reeves's former position as a U.S. Marshal was abolished at that time, so he became an officer with the Muskogee Police Department, where he served for two years until he was forced to resign because of his declining health. References [ edit ] ^ a b c Burton, Art T. (2008). Black Gun, Silver Star: The Life and Legend of Frontier Marshal Bass Reeves. Lincoln, Nebraska: U of Nebraska Press. pp. 19''20. ISBN 9780803205413. ^ a b c d e f g h Burton, Art T. (May''June 1999). "The Legacy of Bass Reeves: Deputy United States Marshal". The Crisis. 106 (3): 38''42. ISSN 0011-1422. ^ a b c Burton, Art T. (2008). Black Gun, Silver Star: The Life and Legend of Frontier Marshal Bass Reeves. Lincoln, Nebraska: U of Nebraska Press. pp. 21''23. ISBN 9780803205413. ^ "Bass Reeves - Black Hero Marshal". Legendsofamerica.com . Retrieved June 9, 2016 . ^ a b c d e f g "Bass Reeves, the Most Feared U.S. Deputy Marshal". The Norman Transcript. May 3, 2007. Archived from the original on September 7, 2012 . Retrieved August 31, 2016 . ^ "United States Census, 1870". FamilySearch.org. p. 10, family 75, NARA microfilm publication M593 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.); FHL microfilm 545,550 . Retrieved April 1, 2016 . Bass Reeves, Arkansas, United States ^ "United States Census, 1880". FamilySearch.org. enumeration district ED 50, sheet 582A, NARA microfilm publication T9 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.), roll 0042; FHL microfilm 1,254,042 . Retrieved April 1, 2016 . Bass Reeves, Van Buren, Crawford, Arkansas, United States ^ "United States Census, 1900". FamilySearch.org. citing sheet 20B, family 468, NARA microfilm publication T623 (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.); FHL microfilm 1,241,853 . Retrieved April 1, 2016 . Bass Reeves, Muscogee (part of M K & T Railway) Muscogee, Creek Nation, Indian Territory, United States ^ a b "Deputy U.S. Marshal Bass Reeves". U.S. Marshals Museum. U.S. Marshals Museum, Inc. Archived from the original on March 2, 2014 . Retrieved August 27, 2013 . ^ Burton, Arthur; Art T. Burton (2006). Black Gun, Silver Star: The Life and Legend of Frontier Marshal Bass Reeves. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. pp. 139''148. ISBN 978-0-8032-1338-8. ^ "Judge Paul L. Brady Retires from Job Safety Commission" Archived February 15, 2013, at the Wayback Machine. press release: United States Occupational Safety and Health Review Committee. April 15, 1997. Retrieved August 13, 2007. ^ Gold-Smith, Josh. "Reaves putting Kane feud aside, joining him for 'much bigger cause ' ". theScore.com. ^ Morgan, Thad (August 31, 2018). "Was the Real Lone Ranger a Black Man?". History . Retrieved November 27, 2019 . ^ LaCapria, Kim (February 13, 2019). "Was the Original 'Lone Ranger' a Black Man?". TruthOrFiction.com . Retrieved May 27, 2020 . ^ Grams Jr., Martin. "Bass Reeves and The Lone Ranger: Debunking the Myth, Part 1" . Retrieved May 27, 2020 . ^ Goforth, Dylan (November 11, 1977). "Bridge to be renamed in tribute to famed lawman". Muskogee Phoenix . Retrieved August 6, 2013 . ^ "Statue of U.S. marshal to travel from Oklahoma to Arkansas Wednesday", Associated Press in The Oklahoman, May 16, 2012 (pay site). ^ "Bass Reeves". Western Heritage from the Texas Trail of Fame. www.texastrailoffame.org. December 26, 2013 . Retrieved April 14, 2018 . ^ "How It's Made: Resin Figurines". science.discovery.com. Science Channel. Archived from the original on September 22, 2013 . Retrieved June 19, 2014 . ^ The Murder of Jesse James at IMDb.com ^ Bass Reeves at Amazon.com ^ Hell On The Border at imdb.com ^ "Mini About Hero Lawman Bass Reeves In Works At HBO With Morgan Freeman, Lori McCreary & James Pickens Producing". Deadline.com. May 18, 2015 . Retrieved January 25, 2017 . ^ N'Duka, Amanda (April 20, 2018). "Amazon Studios Lands Biopic on Bass Reeves, First Black U.S. Deputy Marshal, From 'The Rider' Helmer Chlo(C) Zhao". Deadline.com . Retrieved May 12, 2018 . ^ "Hall of Great Westerners". National Cowboy & Western Heritage Museum . Retrieved November 22, 2019 . ^ "Book Page : Nebraska Press". www.nebraskapress.unl.edu. ^ "The Legend of Bass Reeves". Kirkus Reviews. 2006. Further reading [ edit ] Paulsen, Gary (2006). The legend of Bass Reeves: being the true and fictional account of the most valiant marshal in the West. New York: Wendy Lamb Books. ISBN 978-0-385-74661-8. Thompson, Sidney (2020). Follow the angels, follow the doves: The Bass Reeves trilogy, book one. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-1-496-21875-9.External slinks [ edit ] Bass Reeves at Encyclopedia of Arkansas History & CultureBass Reeves at Oklahoma Historical Society Encyclopedia of Oklahoma Culture and HistoryBass Reeves at Handbook of Texas OnlineBass Reeves at Find a Grave10 Facts about Bass Reeves at BlackArtBlog.BlackArtDepot.comBass Reeves [permanent dead slink ] at Angelfire.comThe Bass Reeves Legacy Monument at BlackArtBlog.BlackArtDepot.comBass Reeves (2010) - A film about his life

Juice (film) - Wikipedia

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 20:36

1992 American crime drama film directed by Ernest Dickerson

Juice is a 1992 American crime thriller film directed by Ernest R. Dickerson, and written by Dickerson and Gerard Brown. It stars Omar Epps, Tupac Shakur, Jermaine Hopkins and Khalil Kain. The film touches on the lives of four black youths growing up in Harlem, following their day-to-day activities, their struggles with police harassment, rival neighborhood gangs and their families.[3] The film is the writing and directing debut of Dickerson and features Shakur in his acting debut. The film was shot in New York City, mainly in the Harlem area, in 1991.[4]

Plot [ edit ] Bishop (Tupac Shakur), Q (Omar Epps), Raheem (Khalil Kain), and Steel (Jermaine 'Huggy' Hopkins) are four teenage African-American friends growing up together in Harlem. They regularly skip school, instead spending their days hanging out at Steel's apartment, at a neighborhood arcade, and also a record store where they steal LPs for Q's DJ interests. Generally, they are harassed daily by the police or a Puerto Rican gang led by Radames (Vincent Laresca).

Fed up with all of the torment he and his friends have endured, Bishop decides that the group must go on to do bigger things in order to win respect. However, Q is unsure if he wants to become involved in a life of crime. One Saturday night, under Bishop's persistence, the friends decide to rob a local convenience store to teach the owner, Fernando Quiles, a lesson. At first Q hesitates to go through with the robbery, unsure whether it will be successful.

He also fears it will affect his chances of participating in a DJ competition in which he has yearned to compete for years. After being pressured by his fellow crew members, he decides to join in. Q manages to sneak out of the nightclub where he is competing in a DJ contest and joins his friends. During the heist, Bishop shoots the owner in the head, killing him.

After fleeing the scene, the four young men gather in an abandoned building where they argue over the evening's events. Q, Raheem and Steel become angry at Bishop for killing Mr. Quiles, and Raheem demands that Bishop give the gun to him; Bishop resists. A struggle ensues between the two, and Bishop shoots Raheem dead. Panicking, Bishop, Q and Steel flee to another abandoned building, where Bishop threatens to kill Q and Steel if they reveal to anybody that he murdered Raheem.

Q and Steel realize that Bishop is beginning to break down and is becoming addicted to the thrill of killing. They agree to give Bishop as wide a berth as possible. However, while attending Raheem's funeral, they are surprised to see Bishop there. Bishop goes as far as to hug Raheem's mother (Lauren Jones) and promise to find his killer. Q and Steel are mostly generally able to avoid Bishop, but he finds them and confronts them one at a time, questioning their loyalty.

After a scuffle, Bishop kills Radames. In order to cover his tracks, he begins planning to frame Q for the murders of Quiles, Raheem and Radames. Fearful of Bishop, Q resorts to buying a gun for his own protection. Meanwhile, Bishop confronts Steel in an alley, accusing him of disloyalty, and shoots him. However, Steel survives the attack and is rushed to the hospital, where he informs Q's girlfriend Yolanda (Cindy Herron) that he has been shot by Bishop and he plans on framing Q. Frustrated with both the tension and troubles brought upon him, Q throws his gun into the river and decides to confront Bishop unarmed. Q and Bishop meet up, where a scuffle and chase ensues.

Q is shot once in the arm during the chase, and he is subsequently chased into a building where a party is being held. Bishop begins firing into a group of partygoers in an attempt to hit Q, but Q escapes unharmed. Q disarms Bishop while he's distracted, and Bishop leaves the scene with Q following him. Q eventually finds Bishop on the roof of a high-rise building, and the two become engaged in a physical confrontation. Bishop eventually falls off the ledge, but is caught by Q. Bishop begs Q not to let go, but Q eventually loses his grip, and Bishop falls to his death.

As Q is leaving the rooftop, a crowd from the party gathers to see what happened. One of the people in the crowd turns to Q and says, "Yo, you got the juice now, man." Q turns to look at him, shakes his head in disgust, and walks away. The film ends with a flashback clip of the four friends together in happier times as Bishop yells, "Wrecking Crew!"

Cast [ edit ] Omar Epps as Quincy "Q" PowellTupac Shakur as Roland BishopKhalil Kain as Raheem PorterJermaine Hopkins as Eric "Steel" ThurmanCindy Herron as YolandaVincent Laresca as RadamesSamuel L. Jackson as TripGeorge O. Gore II as Q's little brother BrianGrace Garland as Q's motherQueen Latifah as Ruffhouse MCOran "Juice" Jones as Snappy Nappy DugoutFlex Alexander as Contest AuditioneerDoctor Dr(C) & Ed Lover as Contest JudgesFab 5 Freddy as himselfDonald Faison as StudentMerit House party crowdEPMD as Bar PatronsProduction [ edit ] The movie was filmed between February and April 1991. Daryl Mitchell, Treach, Money-B, and Donald Faison had auditioned for the role of Roland Bishop, but none were considered right for the role. Tupac Shakur accompanied Money-B to the audition and asked producer Neal H. Moritz to read. He was given 15 minutes to rehearse before his audition, and ultimately secured the role of Roland Bishop.[5] Treach and Faison landed cameo roles as a rival gang member and a high school student, respectively.

Reception [ edit ] The film received generally favorable reviews.[6] Roger Ebert gave the film three out of four stars, praising the film as "one of those stories with the quality of a nightmare, in which foolish young men try to out-macho one another until they get trapped in a violent situation which will forever alter their lives.".[7] Entertainment Weekly gave the film a "B+" grading, based on how it depicts four young characters who try to gain complete self-control over their surroundings.[8]

The film is an inflammatory morality play shot through with rage and despair. Like Boyz n the Hood and Straight Out of Brooklyn, it asks: When every aspect of your environment is defined by violence, is it possible to avoid getting sucked into the maelstrom?[8]

Dickerson also received praise for his directorial skills:

Coming out from behind Spike Lee's camera, Ernest Dickerson has instantly arrived at the forefront of the new wave of black directors. His film aims for the gut, and hits it.[8]

Juice holds a rating of 79% on Rotten Tomatoes based on 24 reviews.[9]

Soundtrack [ edit ] YearAlbumPeak chart positionsCertificationsU.S.U.S. R&B1991JuiceReleased: December 31, 1991Label: MCA173US: GoldSee also [ edit ] List of hood filmsBoyz n the HoodMenace II SocietyNew Jack CityReferences [ edit ] External slinks [ edit ] Juice at AllMovieJuice on IMDbJuice at Rotten TomatoesJuice at Box Office Mojo

Bring in the U.N. to solve Chicago 'genocide,' Boykin says - Chicago Tribune

Sat, 05 Sep 2020 20:18

Chicago Tribune |

Dec 14, 2017 at 4:30 PM

Cook County Commissioner Richard Boykin traveled to New York to discuss Chicago's violence probelm with the United Nations assistant secretary-general for peacebuilding support, Oscar Fernandez-Taranco. (Phil Velasquez / Chicago Tribune)

President Donald Trump's implicit threat to put the National Guard on the streets of Chicago to tackle the city's violence problem attracted widespread ridicule earlier this year.

But if the soldiers were instead wearing the sky blue helmets of United Nations peacekeepers there might not be such a problem, according to Cook County Commissioner Richard Boykin, who flew to New York on Thursday to discuss what he described as a ''quiet genocide'' in Chicago's black community with the U.N.'s assistant secretary-general for peacebuilding support, Oscar Fernandez-Taranco.

''The United Nations has a track record of protecting minority populations,'' Boykin told Inc. before his meeting. ''There was tribal warfare between the Tutsis and the Hutus in Africa, and they deployed peacekeeping troops there to help save those populations and reduce the bloodshed. We have to do something '-- black people in Chicago make up 30 percent of the population but 80 percent of those who are killed by gun violence.''

Asked how that might differ from sending in the National Guard, Boykin said, ''The difference is, I'm not so sure that the National Guard is so used to peacekeeping and a peacekeeping role: The U.N. is trained in this.''

You'd welcome foreign troops on the streets of Austin, North Lawndale, Englewood and Roseland, commissioner?

''I'm talking about whoever the U.N. would decide to send in,'' Boykin responded, adding, ''I think that the assistant secretary-general may have some ideas outside of sending in troops. He may have some ideas about how we get to peace in these communities.

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''We can't wait for the mayor to put another 1,000 police officers on the streets, and I'm not so sure that's going to be the panacea, anyhow,'' said Boykin, who added that he wanted local officials to sit down together to come up with a solution.

''It's been a total devastation of the African-American community,'' he said.

Asked Wednesday about Boykin's plan to involve the U.N., Mayor Rahm Emanuel did not respond directly but noted improvements in crime statistics and said he was working to ensure that ''people feel a sense of security'' in every neighborhood.

kjanssen@chicagotribune.com

United Nations Richard Boykin Recommended on Chicago Tribune

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Sep 06, 2020
47: Killer Wasp

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for August 22nd 2020, Episode number 47

"Killer Wasp"

Description

Adam and Moe Trace the history of Vaccinations in relation to race and caste

Executive Producers:

The Incog Negro

Keegan Neer & Bridgeport PA Meetup

Sir Timothy in Plymouth Michigan

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Sircuss Media

Fuse969 LLC

John P Smith

Theodora Dorinda Ongena

Episode 46 Club Members

Lindsey Heitman

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Aug 23, 2020
46: Kamala Kanye King

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for August 15th 2020, Episode number 46

"Kamala Kanye King"

Description

Adam and Moe bring you a pot luck on the 6!

Executive Producers:

The Kleber Family

Samantha Henry

Michael Abbey

Karen van Haitsma

Brock Reinhold

Jimmy James

The McClurken Company

Sir Haymoose of the Piedmont Province

Associate Executive Producers:

Winnipeg's McLuhan on YouTube

John Stein

Riley Kopelman

Erik Höchel

Craig Knowsley

Daniel White

Douglas Mook

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Michael Olsen

Music in this Episode

Intro: Mase - Welcome Back

Outro: Bill Wither - Use me

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Aug 16, 2020
45: 45 Savage

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for August 1st 2020, Episode number 45

"45 Savage"

Description

Adam and Moe dig into President Trump's unconventional strategies. Are they really that novel?

Executive Producers:

Dreb Scott

Hunter Jennings

Santiago Munoz

Ryan Shears

Jon Noles

Nicholas McFall

Kris Malmi

Shawn Smith

Associate Executive Producers:

Hanna Karlsson

Cameron Rose

Joseph Wentzell

Brian Rogers

Joseph Dratz

copnymous

Bryan Brown

Douglas Pilgrim

Allies

Dreb Scott

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Occult Fan

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Aug 02, 2020
45: 45 Savage

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for August 1st 2020, Episode number 45

"45 Savage"

Description

Adam and Moe dig into President Trump's unconventional strategies. Are they really that novel?

Executive Producers:

Dreb Scott

Hunter Jennings

Santiago Munoz

Ryan Shears

Jon Noles

Nicholas McFall

Kris Malmi

Shawn Smith

Associate Executive Producers:

Hanna Karlsson

Cameron Rose

Joseph Wentzell

Brian Rogers

Joseph Dratz

copnymous

Bryan Brown

Douglas Pilgrim

Allies

Dreb Scott

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Occult Fan

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Aug 02, 2020
44: Big Bank Barry

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for July 25th 2020, Episode number 44

"Big Bank Barry"

Executive Producers:

The Greene Family

Ara Derderian

Brian Martin

Andrew Weloth

Justin Coyle

Brandon Shipley

Sir Scott Knight of the Knight Surname

Associate Executive Producers:

Chef Elvis Rosenberg

Steve Sims

Dazey of the Left Coast

JACOB BAUGHMAN SMITH

Brian Rogers

Robert Klein

Derek Sokoloski

Carl Schneider

Rollie Hawk

Vincent Breckley

Description

Adam and Moe Deconstruct the 44th President of the United States

Music in the Episode

Intro: Prodigy - H.N.I.C. (Instrumental) 6 seconds

Outro: Smiling Faces Sometimes - David Ruffin 21 seconds

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Jul 25, 2020
43: Black Inc.

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for July 20th 2020, Episode number 43

"Black Inc."

Executive Producers:

Joe Travis

Kane Butler

Sir H" from San Francisco

Amy Eckman

Eric Halbritter

Mad Mike of the Traveling Spaders

Century City View

KR

Brett Harding

Associate Executive Producers:

Aart van der Wulp

Meredith Madden

Michael Bradbury

Brian Rogers

ROCHELLE STOWE

Erik Höchel

Sir Jonny B

Alan Adler

Sir Daddy-O of the Seven Wonders

Buford Koechig, Jr

Ashley Schmidt

Hilary Avice Lee

Timothy Kato

Show Club Members:

Description

Adam and Moe deconstruct the roots of BLM Politics and the Movement

Music in the Episode

Intro: Wu Tang Clan - C.R.E.A.M. (Cash Rules Everything Around Me) (Instrumental) - 10-11 seconds

Outro: The Dramatics - Whatcha See is Whtacha Get - 12 seconds

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Jul 20, 2020
42: GBG

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for July 4th 2020, Episode number 42

"GBG"

Executive Producers:

Dwayne Melancon

Jon Lucas

Swen Hollestelle

Alejandro Alcocer

Theodora Dorinda Ongena

Matthew Noes

Lisa Lesley

Associate Executive Producers:

Daniel Hollingsworth

jacob smith

Richard Sposto

Illuminadia

Gregory Kierdak

Malcolm Allen

Show Club Members:

Sir Matthew, Black Knight of the Ice Giants

DH Slamma Tha God

Description

Adam and Moe launch a new initiative. And it isn't a crazy idea!

ShowNotes

Music in the Episode

Intro: Nas - Got Ur Self A.. Instrumental

Outro: Nancy Sinatra - Bang Bang (My Baby Show Me Down)

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Jul 05, 2020
41: Third Wave

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for June 20th 2020, Episode number 41

"Third Wave"

Executive Producers:

Jackie Greene

Stephanie Sikes

David Fugazzotto

Travis Rudolph

Associate Executive Producers:

Katie McKernan

Josh Quinlin

Description

Adam and Moe take cues from Tupac Shakur to bring BLM Inc into perspective

Music in this episode

Intro: 2Pac - The Definition of a Thug nigga

Outro: Hank Crawford - Wildflower

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Jun 20, 2020
40: Politricks

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Moe Factz with Adam Curry for June 13th 2020, Episode number 40

"Politiricks"

Executive Producers:

Jonathan Keegan

James Lawler

Associate Executive Producer:

David de la Haba

Eric from Minneapolis

Rochelle Stowe

Katherine Bishop

Peter J Boyle

Special Thanks to Dame Jennifer Buchanan

Description

Adam and Moe take a deep dive into the BLM 'protests' and their programming.

Music in this episode

Intro: Organized Noize Productions - Sesame Street | 26 seconds

Outro: The Wiz - What would I do if I could feel? | 5 seconds

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Jun 13, 2020
39: Hard Pass

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Moe Factz with Adam Curry for June 2nd 2020, Episode number 39

"Hard Pass"

Executive Producers:

Associate Executive Producer:

Description

Adam and Moe get to the crux of Nature vs Nurture

Music in this episode

Intro: The Pharcyde - Passin' Me By (instrumental)

Outro: Quincy Jones - Summer in the City Passin' Me By

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Jun 03, 2020
38: You Ain't Binary

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for May 25th 2020, Episode number 38

"You Ain't Binary"

Executive Producers:

Anthony Trusgnich

David Fugazzotto

Timothy Kato

Robert Conti

Baron Sir DH Slammer AKA Moe Factz Boule "DH Slamma tha God"

Lon Baker

Sonja Rose

Associate Executive Producer:

Steele Stuckart

Elvis Rosenberg

Description

Adam and Moe take on Joe Biden's Epic Fail

Music in this episode

Intro: Lil' Wayne - Comfortable Instrumental

Outro: Commodores - Lady

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May 26, 2020
37: A Shell Game

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for May 16th 2020, Episode number 37

"A Shell Game"

Executive Producers:

Dame Jennifer Buchanan

Anonymous film student

Associate Executive Producer:

styleannedesign

Description

Adam and Moe break down the New York Time 1619 Project, with surprising results!

Music in this episode

Intro: Pharrell ft Jay Z - Frontin'

Outro: Ohio Players - I Want To Be Free

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May 16, 2020
36: Lego My Joeco

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for May 12th 2020, Episode number 36

"Lego my Joeco"

Executive Producer: Drew Sample

Associate Executive Producers:

Chris Bailey

Victoria Webb

Elvis Rosenberg

Description

Adam and Moe do a Pot Luck of Politics and Pizza

Music in this episode

Intro: Fabulous and Jadakiss - Soul Food

Outro: Marvin Gaye - Save The Children

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May 13, 2020
35: Take That, Take That

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for May 4th 2020, Episode number 35

"Take That, Take That"

Executive Producers:

Sir Jobiwan of Weekapaug

Mark McClure

Associate Executive Producers:

sean mccall

Connor Lawrence

Anonymous

Dame Sheila Damodaran

Daniel Hollingsworth

Nadia Borg

Description

Adam and Moe deconstruct Diddy's latest political controversy. Does he mean it this time?

Music in this episode

Intro: Notorious B.I.G. - Warning

Outro: Junior Walker - What does it take

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May 05, 2020
34: Big Momma Drama

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for April 27th 2020, Episode number 34

Big Momma Drama

Executive Producer: Mark McClure

Associate Executive Producers:

Trevor Murkin

Connor Lawrence

Matt Rego

Aaron Baer

Jake Wainwright

Description

Adam and Moe dive into the influence of food on health, politics and covid-19

Music in this episode

Intro: Lil' Kim - Big Momma Thang

Outro: Bill Withers - Grandma's hands

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Apr 27, 2020
33: Sandbagged

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for April 18th 2020, Episode number 33

Sandbagged

Executive Producer: Fernando DeLosReyes

Associate Executive Producers:

Harvey Smith

James Lohmann

Daniel Mariano

Connor Lawrence

Judy Schwarz

Rent-a-Video

Description

Adam and Moe investigate the possibility Bernie Sanders has always been controlled opposition

Music in this episode

Intro: Yankee and the Brave - Run the Jewels

Outro: Matt Redman - Let My People Go

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Apr 18, 2020
32: Nocebo

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for April 6th 2020, Episode number 32

Nocebo

Executive Producer:

Associate Executive Producer:

Description

Adam and Moe discuss the power of thought and suggestion in this journey through the world of mind control and media

Music in this episode

Intro: Big Pun - Beware

Outro: D'Angelo - The Root

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Apr 07, 2020
31: BIE BAE

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for March 28th 2020, Episode number 31

BIE BAE

Executive Producer: BlatherCast

Associate Executive Producer: Drew McArdle

Description

Adam and Moe dive deep into the FBI discontinued classification of "Black Identity Extremists"

Music in this episode

Intro: Eminem - Toy Soldiers

Outro: Dionne Warwick - Don't Make Me Over

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Mar 28, 2020
30: School of Thought

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for March 21st 2020, Episode number 30

School of Thought

Executive Producers:

Joel Tucker

Rebekah Webb

Associate Executive Producers

Peter J Boyle

James Lohmann

Description

Adam and Moe review the path the show has taken over the past 6 months and unfold what will happen with the #ADOS vote in 2020. Some interesting racial comparisons are made along the way.

Music in this episode

Intro: Jadakiss - We gonna make it

Outro: McFadden & Whitehead - Ain't no stoppin' us now

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Mar 22, 2020
29: The Rona

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for March 14th 2020, Episode number 29

The Rona

Executive Producer: Sir Seatsitter

Description

Adam and Moe are two podcasters socially distanced from each other discussing the corona virus as only they can.

Music in this episode

Intro: Future - Mask Off x

Outro: Going Spaceward - Quarantine with Me

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Mar 14, 2020
28: Black Don't Crack

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for March 7th 2020, Episode number 28

Black Don't Crack

Executive Producer: Sir Flynot

Associate Executive Producer: Timothy Keirnan

Description

Adam and Moe trace the history of crack cocaine all the way through today's presidential elections with lots of entertainment stops along the way

Music in this episode

Intro: Notorious BIG - 10 Crack Commandments

Outro: Cam'Ron D Rugs Featuring Brotha

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Mar 07, 2020
27: Lift-Gate

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for February 29th 2020, Episode number 27

Lift-Gate

Associate Executive Producer: Vincent Breckley

Description

Adam and Moe compare Trump and Bloomberg across their racial stances and policies. As always, a surprise ending completes another outstanding product!

Music in this episode

Intro: Nature - We Ain't friends

Outro: Jean Knight - Mr Big Stuff

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Feb 29, 2020
26: Butter Biscuits

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for February 18th 2020, Episode number 26

Butter Biscuits

Executive Producers

James Lawler

Peter J Boyle

Mark Jasper

Troy Dale Thomas

Associate Executive Producers

Aaron Baer

Lon Baker

Steven Page

Michael Olsen

John Swoboda

Description

Adam and Moe present their first 'Pot Luck Special' and thank the hundreds of producers for their support

Music in this episode

Intro: Snoop Dogg - Lay Low

Outro: Lou Rawls - Season of the Witch

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Feb 19, 2020
25: The Kobe Beef

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for February 11th 2020, Episode number 25

The Kobe Beef

Description

Adam and Moe find out the real agenda behind the online spat between Gayle, Snoop, Susan and Oprah

Music in this episode

Intro: Dr Dre - Bitches ain't shit

Outro: Al Wilson - The Snake

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Feb 12, 2020
24: Handle with Care

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for February 5th 2020, Episode number 24

Handle with Care

Description

Adam and Moe take a deep dive into "White Fragility" with solutions!

Music in this episode

Intro: Mobb Deep - Shook Ones

Outro: Aretha Franklin - Gentle on my mind

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Feb 06, 2020
23: Blacktivate

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for January 28th 2020, Episode number 23

Blacktivate

Description

Adam and Moe look at the origins of the phrase 'Women of Color" and subsequently "POC". This folds into a review of the Vice interviews with the democratic candidates and how all of this ties into illegal immigration

Shownotes

Music in this episode

Intro: John Blaze - Fat Joe

Outro: D'Angelo - Spanish Joint

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Jan 29, 2020
22: The Dream Maker

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for January 21st 2020, Episode number 22

The Dream Machine

Description

Adam and Moe deconstruct Martin Luther King Jr in a way you've never heard

Music in this episode

Intro: Christopher Williams - I'm Dreaming

Outro: New Birth - Dream Merchant

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Jan 22, 2020
21: You're the Father

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for January 13th 2020, Episode number 21

You're the Father

Description

Adam and Moe analyze the Patriarchy and the destructive work television has had on men, black men in particular

Music in this episode

Intro: Positive K - I got a man (Instrumental)

Outro: Marlena Shaw - Go away little boy

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Jan 14, 2020
20: Separate but Equal

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for January 6th 2020, Episode number 20

Separate but Equal

Description

Adam and Moe dive into the educational system, in particual the history of school segregation and forced integration

Music in this episode

Intro: Kanye West - School Spirit Instrumental

Outro: Sly and the Family Stone - Don't call me Nigger Whitey

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Jan 07, 2020
19: Block the Vote

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for December 30th 2019, Episode number 19

Block the Vote

Description

Adam and Moe discuss the history of the black vote in America. An episode that is required listening for any American voter

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Dec 31, 2019
18: Shero to Zero

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for December 16th 2019, Episode number 18

Shero to Zero

Moe and Adam do what no other mainstream publication or broadcast has done: deconstructing what went wrong with the Kamala Harris Campaign

Music in this episode

Intro: Keep Ya Head Up - 2Pac [12 sec]

Outro: Neither One of Us - Gladys Night & The Pips [15 sec]

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Dec 16, 2019
17: Shaft Stache

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for December 2nd 2019, Episode number 17

Shaft Stache

Shownotes

Robert Townsend (actor) - Wikipedia

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 13:13

American actor

Robert Townsend (born February 6, 1957) is an American actor, director, comedian, and writer.[1][2] Townsend is best known for directing the films Hollywood Shuffle (1987), Eddie Murphy Raw (1987), The Meteor Man (1993), The Five Heartbeats (1991) and various other films and stand-up specials. He is especially known for his eponymous self-titled character, Robert Peterson as the starring role as on The WB sitcom The Parent 'Hood (1995''1999), a series which he created and of which directed select episodes. Townsend is also known for his role as Donald "Duck" Matthews in his 1991 film The Five Heartbeats.[3] He later wrote, directed and produced Making The Five Heartbeats (2018), a documentary film about the production process and behind the scenes insight into creating the film. Townsend is also known for his production company Townsend Entertainment [4] which has produced films Playin' for Love,[5] In the Hive and more. During the 1980s and early''1990s, Townsend gained national exposure through his stand-up comedy routines and appearances on The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. Townsend has worked with talent including Halle Berry, Morgan Freeman, Chris Tucker, Beyonc(C), Denzel Washington and many more.[6][7][8]

Early life and career [ edit ] Townsend was born in Chicago, Illinois, the second of four children[9] to Shirley (n(C)e Jenkins) and Ed Townsend. His mother ended up raising him and his three siblings as a single parent. Growing up on the city's west side, Townsend attended Austin High School; graduating in 1975.[10] He became interested in acting as a teenager. During a reading of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in high school, Townsend captured the attention of Chicago's X Bag Theatre, The Experimental Black Actors Guild. Townsend later auditioned for parts at Chicago's Experimental Black Actors' Guild and performed in local plays studying at the famed Second City comedy workshop for improvisation in 1974. Townsend had a brief uncredited role in the 1975 movie Cooley High.

After high school, Townsend enrolled at Illinois State University, studied a year and later moved to New York to study at the Negro Ensemble Company. Townsend's mother believed that he should complete his college education, but he felt that college took time away from his passion for acting, and he soon dropped out of school to pursue his acting career full-time.

Career [ edit ] Townsend auditioned to be part of Saturday Night Live's 1980''1981 cast, but was rejected in favor of Eddie Murphy. In 1982, Townsend appeared as one of the main characters in the PBS series Another Page, a program produced by Kentucky Educational Television that taught literacy to adults through serialized stories. Townsend later appeared in small parts in films like A Soldier's Story (1984), directed by Norman Jewison, and after its success garnered much more substantial parts in films like The Mighty Quinn (1989) with Denzel Washington.[11][12][13]

In 1987, Townsend wrote, directed and produced Hollywood Shuffle, a satire based on the hardships and obstacles that black actors undergo in the film industry. The success of his first project helped him establish himself in the industry.[6][14] Another of his films was The Five Heartbeats based on 1960s R&B male groups and the tribulations of the music industry. Townsend created and produced two television variety shows'--the CableACE award''winning Robert Townsend and His Partners in Crime for HBO, and the Fox Television variety show Townsend Television (1993). He also created and starred in the WB Network's sitcom The Parent 'Hood which originally ran from January 1995 to July 1999. In 2018, Townsend also directed 2 episodes for the B.E.T. Series American Soul which began airing in 2019. The show is about Don Cornelius and Soul Train. Townsend was programming director at the Black Family Channel, but the network folded in 2007. Townsend created The Robert Townsend Foundation, a nonprofit organization whose mission is to introduce and help new unsigned filmmakers.

Awards and other credits [ edit ] Townsend directed the 2001 TV movie, Livin' for Love: The Natalie Cole Story for which Cole won the NAACP Image Award as Outstanding Actress in a Television Movie, Mini-Series or Dramatic Special. Townsend also directed two television movies in 2001 and 2002 respectively, Carmen: A Hip Hopera and 10,000 Black Men Named George. In 2013 Townsend was nominated for an Ovation Award in the category of "Lead Actor in a Musical" for his role as Dan in the La Mirada Theatre for the Performing Arts production of Next to Normal.[15]

Personal life [ edit ] Townsend was married to Cheri Jones[16] from September 15, 1990, to August 9, 2001.[17] Together they have two daughters, Sierra and Skylar (Skye Townsend), both entertainers, and a son, Isiah.[6]

Filmography [ edit ] Further reading [ edit ] Alexander, George. Why We Make Movies: Black Filmmakers Talk About the Magic of Cinema. Harlem Moon. 2003.Collier, Aldore. "Robert Townsend: a new kind of Hollywood dreamer. Actor-producer-director plans to make films that uplift and transform Black audiences". Ebony Magazine. 1 June 1991.Rogers, Brent. Robert Townsend Article in Perspectives. Sustaining Digital History, 12 November 2007.References [ edit ] ^ "Robert Townsend". The New York Times. ^ "As Robert Townsend Sees It : He's Fighting Stereotypes With 'Meteor Man' and New TV Show". Los Angeles Times . Retrieved 2010-10-10 . ^ The Five Heartbeats , retrieved 2019-09-16 ^ "Townsend Entertainment - IMDbPro". pro.imdb.com . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ "Playin' For Love". Black Cinema Connection. 2014-11-05 . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ a b c "About". Robert Townsend. Archived from the original on 2011-07-14. ^ "Carmen: A Hip Hopera", Wikipedia, 2019-08-09 , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ B*A*P*S , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "Townsend, Robert (1957-)". BlackPast.Org. 2008 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "1975 Austin High School Yearbook (Chicago, Illinois)". Classmates.com. 1975 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Vincent Canby, "Review/Film; Tropical Murder", The New York Times, February 17, 1989. ^ The Mighty Quinn , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ A Soldier's Story , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ Hollywood Shuffle , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "2013 Ovation Awards Nominees '-- South by Southeast". thisstage.la. LA STAGE Alliance. September 16, 2013 . Retrieved 2017-04-21 . ^ "The Week's Best Photo". Google Books. JET Magazine. March 25, 1991 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Gimenes, Erika (2001). "Robert Townsend to divorce". Hollywood.com . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "Jackie's Back! (1999)" at IMDb. External links [ edit ] Robert Townsend on IMDbRobert Townsend (Official Website)

(9) Charles Woods (The Professor) - Hollywood's Tricknology: Mandingo To Malcolm X - YouTube

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:59

Tyler Perry

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:57

Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist.

Tyler Perry's Story Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist.

Read His Story Outreach Since 2006, The Perry Foundation's aim has been to transform tragedy into triumph by empowering the economically disadvantaged to achieve a better quality of life. We focus on health and clean water, education and technology, arts and culture, and globally-sustainable economic development. Get Involved

Visit Website You are viewing Tyler Perry Entertainment. If you'd like to view the Tyler Perry Studios, click here.

Black writers courageously staring down the white gaze '' this is why we all must read them | Stan Grant | Opinion | The Guardian

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:46

The white gaze '' it is a phrase that resonates in black American literature. Writers from WEB Du Bois to Ralph Ellison to James Baldwin and Toni Morrison have struggled with it and railed against it.

As Morrison '' a Nobel Laureate '' once said:

Our lives have no meaning, no depth without the white gaze. And I have spent my entire writing life trying to make sure that the white gaze was not the dominant one in any of my books.

The white gaze: it traps black people in white imaginations. It is the eyes of a white schoolteacher who sees a black student and lowers expectations. It is the eyes of a white cop who sees a black person and looks twice '' or worse, feels for a gun.

Du Bois explored this more than a century ago in his book The Souls of Black Folk, reflecting on his conversations with white people and the ensuing delicate dance around the ''Negro problem''.

Between me and the other world there is an ever unasked question'.... All, nevertheless, flutter around it ... Instead of saying directly, how does it feel to be a problem? They say, I know an excellent coloured man in my town ... To the real question '... I answer seldom a word.

Baldwin was as ever more direct and piercing, writing in his book Nobody Knows My Name.

I have spent most of my life ... watching white people and outwitting them so that I might survive.

The flame has passed to a new generation.

In 2015 three more black writers have stared down the white gaze. In their own ways Ta-Nehisi Coates, Claudia Rankine and George Yancy have held up a mirror to white America.

These are uncompromising and fearless voices.

Coates' searing essay Between The World And Me critiques America against a backdrop of black deaths at the hands of police. He says the country's history is rooted in slavery and the assault against the black body.

In the form of a letter to his son, Coates writes:

Here is what I would like for you to know: In America it is traditional to destroy the black body '' it is heritage.

In Citizen '' An American Lyric, poet Rankine reflects on the black experience from the victims of Hurricane Katrina, or Trayvon Martin, a 17 year-old black youth shot dead by a neighbourhood watch volunteer who was acquitted, or black tennis star Serena Williams. In each case Rankine sees lives framed by whiteness.

She writes:

Because white men can't police their imagination, black men are dying.

Philosophy Professor George Yancy just last week penned a letter in the New York Times addressed to ''Dear White America''. He asks his countrymen to listen with love, and to look at those things that might cause pain and terror.

All white people, he says, benefit from racism and this means each, in their own way, are racist.

'...don't run to seek shelter from your own racism'...practice being vulnerable. Being neither a ''good'' white person, nor a liberal white person will get you off the proverbial hook.

Their unflinching work is not tempered by the fact a black man is in the White House '' that only makes their voices more urgent.

Coates, Rankine, Yancy '' each has been variously praised and awarded, yet each has been pilloried as well. This is inevitable when some people don't like what the mirror reflects.

It takes courage for a black person to speak to a white world, a world that can render invisible people of colour, unless they begin to more closely resemble white people themselves '' an education, a house in the suburbs, a good job, lighter skin.

In Australia, too, black voices are defying the white gaze. We may not have the popular cut through of a Morrison or a Baldwin or a Coates, but we have a proud tradition '' Oodgeroo Noonuccal, Kevin Gilbert, Ruby Langford or more recently Kim Scott, Alexis Wright, Anita Heiss.

I have spent some time recently reading some of the most powerful works of Indigenous writers. Their styles and genres are many and varied but there is a common and powerful theme of defiance and survival.

This is a world so instantly recognisable to us '' Indigenous people '' but still so foreign to white Australia.

Natalie Harkin's book of poetry, Dirty Words, is a subversive dictionary that turns English words back on their users: A is apology, B is for Boat People '... G is for Genocide ... S for Survival.

''How do you dream,'' she writes, ''When your lucky country does not sleep''.

Bruce Pascoe's Dark Emu challenges the white stereotype of the ''primitive hunter gatherer''. He says the economy and culture of Indigenous people has been grossly undervalued.

He cites journals and diaries of explorers and colonists to reveal the industry and ingenuity of pre-colonial Aboriginal society. He says it is a window into a world of people building dams and wells and houses, irrigating and harvesting seed and creating elaborate cemeteries.

Pascoe's work demands to be taught in our schools.

Tony Birch is an acclaimed novelist and his latest Ghost River is remarkable. It is the story of two friends navigating the journey into adulthood guided by the men of the river '' men others may see as homeless and hopeless. It is a work infused with a sense of place and belonging.

Ellen Van Neerven's Heat and Light is a genre-busting mystical journey into identity: sexual, racial and national. It is provocative and challenging and mind bending, and altogether stunning.

You won't find many of these titles in the annual best book lists. Occasionally they pop up, but not as often as they deserve. You probably won't hear much of Samuel Wagan Watson's Love Poems and Death Threats, or Ken Canning's Yimbama, or Lionel Fogarty's Eelahroo (Long Ago) Nyah (Looking) Mobo-Mobo (Future).

That these works are not more widely read is a national shame. In our busy lives, try to find time for some of these books in 2016 '' read with the courage of these writers.

George Yancy asks white Americans to become ''un-sutured'', to open themselves up and let go of their white innocence.

Why is this important? Well, for white people it may simply be a matter of choice '' the fate of black people may not affect them. For us it is survival '' the white gaze means we die young, are locked up and locked out of work and education.

We hear a lot about recognition '' acknowledging Indigenous people in the Australian constitution. But there is another recognition '' recognising the pervasive and too often destructive role of race in our lives, and the need to lift our gaze above it.

Queen | Definition of Queen by Merriam-Webster

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:40

To save this word, you'll need to log in.

\ ËkwÄ'n \ 1 a : the wife or widow of a king

b : the wife or widow of a tribal chief

2 a : a female monarch

b : a female chieftain

3 a : a woman eminent in rank, power, or attractions a movie queen

b : a goddess or a thing personified as female and having supremacy in a specified realm

c : an attractive girl or woman especially : a beauty contest winner

4 : the most privileged piece of each color in a set of chessmen having the power to move in any direction across any number of unoccupied squares

5 : a playing card marked with a stylized figure of a queen

6 : the fertile fully developed female of social bees, ants, and termites whose function is to lay eggs

7 : a mature female cat kept especially for breeding

8 slang , often disparaging : a male homosexual especially : an effeminate one

queened ; queening ; queens

intransitive verb

1 : to act like a queen especially : to put on airs '-- usually used with it queens it over her friends

2 : to become a queen in chess the pawn queens

Pan-Africanism - Wikipedia

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:37

Worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all people of African descent

Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of African descent. Based on a common goal dating back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada and Europe.[1][2] It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social, and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of African descent.[3] The ideology asserts that the fate of all African people and countries[clarification needed ] are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that ''African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora, share not merely a common history, but a common destiny".[4] Pan-Africanist intellectual, cultural, and political movements tend to view all Africans and descendants of Africans as belonging to a single "race" and sharing cultural unity. Pan-Africanism posits a sense of a shared historical fate for Africans in the Americas, West Indies, and, on the continent itself, has centered on the Atlantic trade in slaves, African slavery, and European imperialism.[5]

The Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations.[6] The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand.

Overview [ edit ] Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance".[7] Pan-Africanism exists as a governmental and grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed S(C)kou Tour(C), Kwame Nkrumah, King Sobhuza II, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, and others in the diaspora.[8][9][10] Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally.

The realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political (power) structures...in the Americas".[11]

Advocates of Pan-Africanism'--i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"'--often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent. Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They also point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora.[11]

History [ edit ] As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific, and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[8]

Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 19th century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism.[12] In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV.

Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900.[13][14][15]

With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State.[16] Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa. The Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent".[17] This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions"; the Continent had experienced revolution and decolonization from Western powers and the narrative of rebirth and solidarity had gained momentum within the pan-African movement.[17] Nkrumah's pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality (i.e. suppression under imperialism). Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, and adopted a political discourse of regional unity [18]

In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) in Accra, Ghana. This Conference invited delegates of political movements and major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Sudan.[18] This Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, journalist, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria.[19] Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression. This encouraged the commitment of direct involvement in the "emancipation of the Continent; thus, a fight against colonial pressures on South Africa was declared and the full support of the FLN struggle in Algeria, against French colonial rule"".[20] In the years following 1958, Accra Conference also marked the establishment of a new foreign policy of non-alignment as between the US and USSR, and the will to establish an "African Identity" in global affairs by advocating a unity between the African States on international relations. "This would be based on the Bandung Declaration, the Charter of the UN and on loyalty to UN decisions."[20]

In 1959, Nkrumah, President S(C)kou Tour(C) of Guinea and President William Tubman of Liberia met at Sanniquellie and signed the Sanniquellie Declaration outlining the principles for the achievement of the unity of Independent African States whilst maintaining a national identity and autonomous constitutional structure.[21][22] The Declaration called for a revised understanding of pan-Africanism and the uniting of the Independent States.

In 1960, the second All-African Peoples' Conference was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[23] The membership of the All-African Peoples' Organisation (AAPO) had increased with the inclusion of the "Algerian Provisional Government (as they had not yet won independence), Cameroun, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia and the United Arab Republic".[24] The Conference highlighted diverging ideologies within the movement, as Nkrumah's call for a political and economic union between the Independent African States gained little agreement. The disagreements following 1960 gave rise to two rival factions within the pan-African movement: the Casablanca Bloc and the Brazzaville Bloc.[25]

In 1962, Algeria gained independence from French colonial rule and Ahmed Ben Bella assumed Presidency. Ben Bella was a strong advocate for pan-Africanism and an African Unity. Following the FLN's armed struggle for liberation, Ben Bella spoke at the UN and espoused for Independent Africa's role in providing military and financial support to the African liberation movements opposing apartheid and fighting Portuguese colonialism.[26] In search of a united voice, in 1963 at an African Summit conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 32 African states met and established the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The creation of the OAU Charter took place at this Summit and defines a coordinated "effort to raise the standard of living of member States and defend their sovereignty" by supporting freedom fighters and decolonisation.[27] Thus, was the formation of the African Liberation Committee (ALC), during the 1963 Summit. Championing the support of liberation movements, was Algeria's President Ben Bella, immediately "donated 100 million francs to its finances and was one of the first countries, of the Organisation to boycott Portuguese and South African goods".[26]

In 1969, Algiers hosted the Pan-African Cultural Festival, on July 21 and it continued for eight days.[28] At this moment in history, Algeria stood as a ''beacon of African and Third-World militancy,''[28] and would come to inspire fights against colonialism around the world. The festival attracted thousands from African states and the African Diaspora, including the Black Panthers. It represented the application of the tenets of the Algerian revolution to the rest of Africa, and symbolized the re-shaping of the definition of pan-African identity under the common experience of colonialism.[28] The Festival further strengthened Algeria's President, Boumediene's standing in Africa and the Third World.[28]

After the death of Kwame Nkrumah in 1972, Muammar Qaddafi assumed the mantle of leader of the Pan-Africanist movement and became the most outspoken advocate of African Unity, like Nkrumah before him '' for the advent of a "United States of Africa".[29]

In the United States, the term is closely associated with Afrocentrism, an ideology of African-American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s.[30]

Concept [ edit ] As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (although some historians[who? ] credit the idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden), Pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.[31]

During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of Africans in South Africa under Apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organisations include: Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement.

Additionally, Pan-Africanism is seen as an endeavor to return to what are deemed by its proponents as singular, traditional African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include L(C)opold S(C)dar Senghor's N(C)gritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticit(C).

An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism.

In the 21st century, some Pan-Africanists aim to address globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation"[32] held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), argued that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends.

Some universities went as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism.[33]Syracuse University also offers a master's degree in "Pan African Studies".[34]

Pan-African colors [ edit ] The flags of numerous states in Africa and of Pan-African groups use green, yellow and red. This colour combination was originally adopted from the 1897 flag of Ethiopia, and was inspired by the fact that Ethiopia is the continent's oldest independent nation,[35] thus making the Ethiopian green, yellow and red the closest visual representation of Pan-Africanism. This is in comparison to the Black Nationalist flag, representing political theory centred around the eugenicist caste-stratified colonial Americas.[36]

The UNIA (Universal Negro Improvement Association) flag, is a tri-color flag consisting of three equal horizontal bands of (from top down) red, black and green. The UNIA formally adopted it on August 13, 1920,[37] during its month-long convention at Madison Square Garden in New York.[38][39]

Variations of the flag have been used in various countries and territories in Africa and the Americas to represent Black Nationalist ideologies. Among these are the flags of Malawi, Kenya and Saint Kitts and Nevis. Several Pan-African organizations and movements have also often employed the emblematic red, black and green tri-color scheme in variety of contexts.

Maafa studies [ edit ] Maafa is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression.[40][41] In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents.[42]

Political parties and organizations [ edit ] In Africa [ edit ] Organisation of African Unity, succeeded by the African UnionAfrican Unification FrontRassemblement D(C)mocratique AfricainAll-African People's Revolutionary PartyConvention People's Party (Ghana)Pan-African Renaissance[43]Economic Freedom Fighters (South Africa)Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Africa)In the Caribbean [ edit ] The Pan-African Affairs Commission for Pan-African Affairs, a unit within the Office of the Prime Minister of Barbados.[44]African Society for Cultural Relations with Independent Africa (Guyana)Antigua Caribbean Liberation Movement (Antigua and Barbuda)Clement Payne Movement (Barbados)Marcus Garvey People's Political Party (Jamaica)Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (Jamaica)In the United Kingdom [ edit ] Pan-African FederationIn the United States [ edit ] The Council on African Affairs (CAA): founded in 1937 by Max Yergan and Paul Robeson, the CAA was the first major U.S. organization whose focus was on providing pertinent and up-to-date information about Pan-Africanism across the United States, particularly to African Americans. Probably the most successful campaign of the Council was for South African famine relief in 1946. The CAA was hopeful that, following World War II, there would be a move towards Third World independence under the trusteeship of the United Nations.[45] To the CAA's dismay, the proposals introduced by the U.S. government to the conference in April/May 1945 set no clear limits on the duration of colonialism and no motions towards allowing territorial possessions to move towards self-government.[45] Liberal supporters abandoned the CAA, and the federal government cracked down on its operations. In 1953 the CAA was charged with subversion under the McCarran Internal Security Act. Its principal leaders, including Robeson, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Alphaeus Hunton (1903''70), were subjected to harassment, indictments, and in the case of Hunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of internal disputes, government repression, and financial hardships, the Council on African Affairs disbanded in 1955.[46]The US Organization was founded in 1965 by Maulana Karenga, following the Watts riots. It is based on the synthetic African philosophy of kawaida, and is perhaps best known for creating Kwanzaa and the Nguzo Saba ("seven principles"). In the words of its founder and chair, Karenga, "the essential task of our organization Us has been and remains to provide a philosophy, a set of principles and a program which inspires a personal and social practice that not only satisfies human need but transforms people in the process, making them self-conscious agents of their own life and liberation".[47]Pan-African concepts and philosophies [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism is espoused by Kwabena Faheem Ashanti in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Francis Ohanyido, a Nigerian philosopher-poet.[48] Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism.

Kawaida [ edit ] Hip hop [ edit ] Since the late 1970s, hip hop has emerged as a powerful force that has partly shaped black identity worldwide. In his 2005 article "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Greg Tate describes hip-hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind. It is an "ethnic enclave/empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous".[49] Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity" states that hip-hop provides the world with "vivid illustrations of Black lived experience", creating bonds of black identity across the globe.[50] From a Pan-African perspective, Hip-Hop Culture can be a conduit to authenticate a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying and uplifting force among Africans that Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve.

Pan-African art [ edit ] Further information on pan-African film festivals see:

FESPACO and

PAFFSee also [ edit ] Literature [ edit ] Hakim Adi & Marika Sherwood, Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledgem 2003.Imanuel Geiss, Panafrikanismus. Zur Geschichte der Dekolonisation. Habilitation, EVA, Frankfurt am Main, 1968, English as: The Pan-African Movement, London: Methuen, 1974, ISBN 0-416-16710-1, and as: The Pan-African Movement. A history of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, New York: Africana Publ., 1974, ISBN 0-8419-0161-9.Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide, revised edition, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965.Tony Martin, Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond, Dover: The Majority Press, 1985.References [ edit ] ^ Austin, David (Fall 2007). "All Roads Led to Montreal: Black Power, the Caribbean and the Black Radical Tradition in Canada". Journal of African American History. 92 (4): 516''539 . Retrieved March 30, 2019 . ^ Oloruntoba-Oju, Omotayo (December 2012). "Pan Africanism, Myth and History in African and Caribbean Drama". Journal of Pan African Studies. 5 (8): 190 ff. ^ Frick, Janari, et al. (2006), History: Learner's Book, p. 235, South Africa: New Africa Books. ^ Makalani, Minkah (2011), "Pan-Africanism". Africana Age. ^ New Dictionary of the History of Ideas. The Gale Group, Inc. 2005. ^ About the African Union Archived January 29, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. ^ "The objectives of the PAP", The Pan-African Parliament '' 2014 and beyond. ^ a b Falola, Toyin; Essien, Kwame (2013). Pan-Africanism, and the Politics of African Citizenship and Identity. London: Routledge. pp. 71''72. ISBN 1135005192 . Retrieved September 26, 2015 . ^ Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis, pp. 250''278. ^ Maguire, K., "Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah", GlobalPost, October 21, 2009. Retrieved September 13, 2012. ^ a b Agyeman, O., Pan-Africanism and Its Detractors: A Response to Harvard's Race Effacing Universalists, Harvard University Press (1998), cited in Mawere, Munyaradzi; Tapuwa R. Mubaya, African Philosophy and Thought Systems: A Search for a Culture and Philosophy of Belonging, Langaa RPCIG (2016), p. 89. ISBN 9789956763016. Retrieved August 23, 2018. ^ "Pan-Africanism". exhibitions.nypl.org . Retrieved February 16, 2017 . ^ "A history of Pan-Africanism", New Internationalist, 326, August 2000. ^ The History of Pan Africanism, PADEAP (Pan African Development Education and Advocacy Programme). ^ Lubin, Alex, "The Contingencies of Pan-Africanism", Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, p. 71. ^ Smith-Asante, E., "Biography of Ghana's first President, Dr Kwame Nkrumah", Graphic Online, March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Mkandawire, P. (2005). African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development, Dakar: Codesria/London: Zed Books, p. 58. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Legum, C. (1965). Pan-Africanism: a short political guide, New York, etc.: Frederick A. Praeger, p. 41. ^ Adi, H., & M. Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledge, p. 66. ^ a b Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 42. ^ Adi & Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History, p. 179. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 45. ^ Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 46. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 47. ^ Martin, G. (2012). African Political Thought, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ^ a b Adi & Sherwood (2003), Pan-African History, p. 10. ^ "African states unite against white rule", ON THIS DAY | May25. BBC News. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b c d Evans, M., & J. Phillips (2008). Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed, Yale University Press, pp. 97''98. ^ Martin, G. (December 23, 2012). African Political Thought. Springer. ISBN 9781137062055. ^ See e.g. Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric Political Movements, African American Life Series, Wayne State University Press, 1997, p. 68. ^ Campbell, Crystal Z. (December 2006). "Sculpting a Pan-African Culture in the Art of N(C)gritude: A Model for African Artist" (PDF) . The Journal of Pan African Studies. Archived from the original on June 1, 2015. CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link) ^ Oxford University African Society Conference, Corpus Christi College, Oxford University, May 5, 2012. ^ "About Us". Csus.edu . Retrieved October 15, 2015 . ^ The M.A. in Pan African Studies Archived October 25, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, African American Studies at Syracuse University. ^ Smith, Whitney (2001). Flag Lore of All Nations . Millbrook Press. p. 36. ISBN 0761317538 . Retrieved October 7, 2014 . ^ Lionel K., McPherson; Shelby, Tommie (Spring 2004). "Blackness and Blood: Interpreting African American Identity" (PDF) . Philosophy and Public Affairs. 32: 171''192. ^ Wikisource contributors, "The Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World", Wikisource, The Free Library. (Retrieved October 6, 2007). ^ "25,000 Negroes Convene: International Gathering Will Prepare Own Bill of Rights", The New York Times, August 2, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "Negroes Adopt Bill Of Rights: Convention Approves Plan for African Republic and Sets to Work on Preparation of Constitution of the Colored Race Negro Complaints Aggression Condemned Recognition Demanded". The Christian Science Monitor, August 17, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "What Holocaust". "Glenn Reitz". Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. ^ "The Maafa, African Holocaust". Swagga. ^ Ogunleye, Tolagbe (1997). "African American Folklore: Its Role in Reconstructing African American History". Journal of Black Studies. 27 (4): 435''455. ISSN 0021-9347. ^ "Pan-African Renaissance". ^ Rodney Worrell (2005). Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the Major 20th-century Pan-African Formations in Barbados. New Academia Publishing, LLC. pp. 99''102. ISBN 978-0-9744934-6-6. ^ a b Duberman, Martin. Paul Robeson, 1989, pp. 296''97. ^ "Council on African Affairs", African Activist Archive. ^ "Philosophy, Principles, and Program". The Organization Us. ^ "Francis Okechukwu Ohanyido". African Resource. ^ Tate, Greg, "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Village Voice, January 4, 2005. ^ Clay, Andreana. "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity". In American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 46.10 (2003): 1346''58. External links [ edit ] SNCC Digital Gateway: Pan-Africanism'--Digital documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-outAfrican UnionAfrican Code Unity Through DiversityA-APRP WebsiteThe Major Pan-African news and articles siteProfessor David Murphy (November 15, 2015). "The Performance of Pan-Africanism: performing black identity at major pan-African festivals, 1966''2010" (Podcast). The University of Edinburgh . Retrieved January 28, 2016 '' via Soundcloud.

Ebro Darden - Wikipedia

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:36

Ebro Darden

BornIbrahim Jamil Darden

( 1975-03-17 ) March 17, 1975 (age 44) NationalityAmericanOccupationMedia executiveradio personalityYears active1990''presentKnown forHot 97 radio personalityBeats1 DJChildren1Websitewww.EbroDarden.comIbrahim "Ebro" Darden (born March 17, 1975) is an American media executive and radio personality. Until 2014, he was Vice President of Programming for Emmis Communications' New York contemporary urban station WQHT (Hot 97). He is currently a co-host on the Hot 97 morning show, Ebro in the Morning, alongside Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As of 2015, Darden also hosts a hip hop music-based radio show on Beats 1.

Early life [ edit ] Darden was born to a black father and a Jewish mother. He attended a Pentecostal church and Hebrew school while growing up in Oakland and Sacramento.[1]

Career [ edit ] Start in radio [ edit ] Darden began his career in radio in 1990 at KSFM in Sacramento, California, while he was still a teenager. At KSFM he worked in research and as a sales runner until moving into programming as an intern, and later co-hosting for KSFM's night and morning shows. In 1997, he worked at KBMB in Sacramento as Programming and Music Director, as well as an afternoon host. Eventually, Darden became Operations Manager at KBMB, while also co-hosting mornings at KXJM in Portland, Oregon, in 1999.

Hot 97 [ edit ] In 2003, Darden became Music Director for WQHT, ultimately becoming the Program Director for the station in 2007.[2][3][4]

Darden worked alongside several past WQHT Hot 97 morning show co-hosts including Star and Bucwild, Miss Jones, DJ Envy, Sway, and Joe Budden from 2004 to 2007, and introduced Cipha Sounds and Peter Rosenberg to the AM drive in 2009. He rejoined the Hot 97 Morning Show in 2012, alongside Cipha Sounds, Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez.

As Programming Director and on-air host, Darden was the main voice of several events at Hot 97 including Nicki Minaj's relationship with the station, and her alleged sexual relationship with the host; Hurricane Sandy; and Mister Cee's personal life.[5]

In 2014, VH1 announced a new unscripted comedy series, This Is Hot 97, which featured Darden and fellow hosts including Angie Martinez, Funkmaster Flex, Peter Rosenberg, Cipha Sounds, Miss Info, and Laura Stylez.[6]

Beats 1 [ edit ] In addition to his current on-air role at Hot 97, Darden is now one of three anchor DJs on Beats 1, an Internet radio service from Apple Music.

Feuds and controversy [ edit ] A comedic rivalry between Darden and fellow accomplished radio personality Charlamagne Tha God of Power 105.1 has been ongoing for years. In May 2017, Darden clarified their relationship, stating, "The stuff we do on the radio is stupid. It's for fun. I make fun of you for fun. That's it. It's not that deep... me and that dude don't have a personal problem... a personal relationship".[7]

Darden was mentioned in Remy Ma's "shETHER" diss track, on which Ma insinuated that he slept with Nicki Minaj by stating "Coke head, you cheated on your man with Ebro". After jokingly going back and forth with both Ma and her husband Papoose on social media, Darden denied the rumors, stating that he and Minaj had only a professional relationship.[8]

Ebro has been in an ongoing feud with Brooklyn artist 6ix9ine. Ebro made fun of 6ix9ine as looking like a clown and criticized him for bragging about streaming numbers,[9] and 6ix9ine responded on the song "Stoopid" with the line "That nigga Ebro, he a bitch/Just another old nigga on a young nigga dick." [10]

Personal life [ edit ] Darden has a daughter, Isa, who was born in 2014.[11]

Recognition [ edit ] In 2013, he was recognized by Radio Ink as a future African American leader.[12]

Filmography [ edit ] References [ edit ]

Queen & Slim (2019) - IMDb

Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:13

3 nominations. See more awards >> Learn more More Like This Comedy | Crime | Drama

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A detective investigates the death of a patriarch of an eccentric, combative family.

Director:Rian Johnson

Stars:Daniel Craig,Chris Evans,Ana de Armas

Action | Crime | Drama

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.6 / 10 X An embattled NYPD detective is thrust into a citywide manhunt for a pair of cop killers after uncovering a massive and unexpected conspiracy.

Director:Brian Kirk

Stars:Chadwick Boseman,Sienna Miller,J.K. Simmons

Action | Biography | Drama

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X The extraordinary tale of Harriet Tubman's escape from slavery and transformation into one of America's greatest heroes, whose courage, ingenuity, and tenacity freed hundreds of slaves and changed the course of history.

Director:Kasi Lemmons

Stars:Cynthia Erivo,Leslie Odom Jr.,Joe Alwyn

Biography | Drama

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.9 / 10 X Based on the true story of a real-life friendship between Fred Rogers and journalist Tom Junod.

Director:Marielle Heller

Stars:Tom Hanks,Matthew Rhys,Chris Cooper

Drama

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.2 / 10 X A young actor's stormy childhood and early adult years as he struggles to reconcile with his father and deal with his mental health.

Director:Alma Har'el

Stars:Shia LaBeouf,Lucas Hedges,Noah Jupe

Drama | Romance | Sport

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.7 / 10 X Traces the journey of a suburban family - led by a well-intentioned but domineering father - as they navigate love, forgiveness, and coming together in the aftermath of a loss.

Director:Trey Edward Shults

Stars:Taylor Russell,Kelvin Harrison Jr.,Alexa Demie

Comedy | Drama | War

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A young boy in Hitler's army finds out his mother is hiding a Jewish girl in their home.

Director:Taika Waititi

Stars:Roman Griffin Davis,Thomasin McKenzie,Scarlett Johansson

Action | Crime | Drama

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 5.7 / 10 X A rookie New Orleans police officer is forced to balance her identity as a black woman after she witnesses two corrupt cops committing murder.

Director:Deon Taylor

Stars:Naomie Harris,Frank Grillo,Mike Colter

Biography | Drama | History

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.3 / 10 X A corporate defense attorney takes on an environmental lawsuit against a chemical company that exposes a lengthy history of pollution.

Director:Todd Haynes

Stars:Anne Hathaway,Mark Ruffalo,William Jackson Harper

Drama | Fantasy | Horror

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.3 / 10 X Two lighthouse keepers try to maintain their sanity while living on a remote and mysterious New England island in the 1890s.

Director:Robert Eggers

Stars:Willem Dafoe,Robert Pattinson,Valeriia Karaman

Crime | Drama | Mystery

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X Consummate con man Roy Courtnay has set his sights on his latest mark: the recently widowed Betty McLeish, worth millions. But this time, what should have been a simple swindle escalates into a cat-and-mouse game with the ultimate stakes.

Director:Bill Condon

Stars:Helen Mirren,Ian McKellen,Russell Tovey

Crime | Drama | Mystery

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.1 / 10 X In 1950s New York, a lonely private detective afflicted with Tourette's Syndrome ventures to solve the murder of his mentor and only friend.

Director:Edward Norton

Stars:Edward Norton,Gugu Mbatha-Raw,Alec Baldwin

Edit Storyline Slim and Queen's first date takes an unexpected turn when a policeman pulls them over for a minor traffic violation. When the situation escalates, Slim takes the officer's gun and shoots him in self-defence. Now labelled cop killers in the media, Slim and Queen feel that they have no choice but to go on the run and evade the law. When a video of the incident goes viral, the unwitting outlaws soon become a symbol of trauma, terror, grief and pain for people all across the country Written bystmc-25959

Plot Summary | Add Synopsis Motion Picture Rating (MPAA) Rated R for violence, some strong sexuality, nudity, pervasive language, and brief drug use. | See all certifications >> Edit Details Release Date: 27 November 2019 (USA)

See more >> Edit Box Office Opening Weekend USA: $11,700,000, 1 December 2019

Gross USA: $15,810,000

Cumulative Worldwide Gross: $15,810,000

See more on IMDbPro >> Company Credits Technical Specs Runtime: 131 min

Aspect Ratio: 2.39 : 1

See

full technical specs >>

Edit Did You Know? Trivia First feature film to be directed by Melina Matsoukas, who has previously only directed music videos and TV episodes.

See more >>

Quotes Slim :Are you tryin' to die?

Queen :No. I just always wanted to do that.

Slim :Well, don't do it while I'm drivin'

Queen :You should try it.

Slim :Nah, I'm good.

Queen :Pull over.

Slim :Na-ah.

Queen :Come on! Pull over. Pull over!

Slim :If I do, would you please, let me drive the rest of the way it is?

Queen :Swear to God.

[...]

See more >>

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Music in this episode

Intro: Puff Daddy - It's all about the benjamins

Outro: Blue Magic - Sideshow

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Dec 02, 2019
16: Whiteballed

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for November 25th 2019, Episode number 16

Whiteballed

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Nov 25, 2019
15: N.B.A.

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for November 18th 2019, Episode number 15

N.B.A.

Shownotes

'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America - The New York Times

Mon, 18 Nov 2019 12:50

In Hollywood, Harriet Tubman is played in a new movie by a black British woman, much to the annoyance of some black Americans. On the United States census, an ultrawealthy Nigerian immigrant and a struggling African-American woman from the South are expected to check the same box. When many American universities tout their diversity numbers, black students who were born in the Bronx and the Bahamas are counted as the same.

A spirited debate is playing out in black communities across America over the degree to which identity ought to be defined by African heritage '-- or whether ancestral links to slavery are what should count most of all.

Tensions between black Americans who descended from slavery and black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean are not new, but a group of online agitators is trying to turn those disagreements into a political movement.

They want colleges, employers and the federal government to prioritize black Americans whose ancestors toiled in bondage, and they argue that affirmative action policies originally designed to help the descendants of slavery in America have largely been used to benefit other groups, including immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean.

The American descendants of slavery, they say, should have their own racial category on census forms and college applications, and not be lumped in with others with similar skin color but vastly different lived experiences.

The group, which calls itself ADOS, for the American Descendants of Slavery, is small in number, with active supporters estimated to be in the thousands. But the discussion they are provoking is coursing through conversations far and wide.

Those who embrace its philosophy point to disparities between black people who immigrated to the United States voluntarily, and others whose ancestors were brought in chains.

Roughly 10 percent of the 40 million black people living in the United States were born abroad, according to the Pew Research Center, up from 3 percent in 1980. African immigrants are more likely to have college degrees than blacks and whites who were born in the United States.

A 2007 study published in the American Journal of Education found that 41 percent of black freshmen at Ivy League colleges were immigrants or the children of immigrants, even though those groups represent 13 percent of the black population in the United States.

In 2017, black students at Cornell University protested for the admission of more ''underrepresented black students,'' who they defined as black Americans with several generations in the United States. ''There is a lack of investment in black students whose families were affected directly by the African Holocaust in America,'' the students wrote to the president of the university.

University administrators say that black students from other countries contribute to increased diversity on campus, even if their admittance does not mitigate the injustices of American slavery. Many black immigrant groups are also descended from slavery in other countries.

The film producer Tariq Nasheed is among the outspoken defenders of the idea that the American descendants of slavery should have their own ethnic identity.

''Every other group when they get here goes out of their way to say, 'I'm Jamaican. I'm Nigerian. I'm from Somalia,''' he said. ''But when we decide to say, 'O.K. We are a distinct ethnic group,' people look at that as negative.''

This year, responding to requests for ''more detailed, disaggregated data for our diverse American experience,'' the Census Bureau announced that African-Americans will be able to list their origins on census forms for the first time, instead of simply checking ''Black.''

The goal of ADOS's two founders '-- Antonio Moore, a Los Angeles defense attorney, and Yvette Carnell, a former aide to Democratic lawmakers in Washington '-- is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics.

Embracing their role as insurgents, Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell held their first national conference in October, and have made reparations for the brutal system of slavery upon which the United States was built a key tenet of their platform.

Their movement has also become a lightning rod for criticism on the left. Its skepticism of immigration sometimes strikes a tone similar to that of President Trump. And the group has fiercely attacked the Democratic Party, urging black voters to abstain from voting for the next Democratic presidential nominee unless he or she produces a specific economic plan for the nation's ADOS population.

Such tactics have led some to accuse the group of sowing division among African-Americans and engaging in a form of voter suppression not unlike the voter purges and gerrymandering efforts pushed by some Republicans.

''Not voting will result in another term of Donald Trump,'' said Brandon Gassaway, national press secretary of the Democratic National Committee.

Shireen Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, has been embroiled in an online battle with ADOS activists for months. Ms. Mitchell contends that the group's leaders are ''using reparations as a weapon'' to make Mr. Trump more palatable to black voters. Others have pointed out that Ms. Carnell once appeared on her YouTube channel in a ''Make America Great Again'' hat.

Image Attendees take selfies with ADOS founder Yvette Carnell at the group's inaugural conference in Louisville, Ky. in October. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The goal of the group's two founders is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The founders of ADOS have described the group as nonpartisan, but the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image Marianne Williamson, who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a presidential candidate, attended the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Over a thousand people attended the group's first national conference, hosted by Simmons College of Kentucky. Guest speakers included Marianne Williamson, a white self-help author who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a minor Democratic presidential candidate, as well as Cornel West, a black Harvard professor who said ADOS is giving a voice to working-class black people.

[Read more about how Farah Stockman reported on the American Descendants of Slavery.]

Tara Perry, a 35-year-old paralegal, was among the attendees. A former employee of the Los Angeles Black Worker Center, which used to count the number of black laborers at construction sites, Ms. Perry said she believed that the influx of Mexican immigrants had made it more difficult for black men to find construction jobs in the city.

''People call us divisive. We're not divisive. We're self-interested,'' said Ms. Perry, adding that she was prepared to see Mr. Trump re-elected.

Critics consider the movement a Trojan horse meant to infiltrate the black community with a right-wing agenda, and question why the group would target Democrats, who have been far more open to discussions of reparations.

''You are willing to let Donald Trump win, who clearly says he doesn't see reparations happening?'' asked Talib Kweli Greene, a rapper and activist who has become a vocal opponent of the group. ''Get out of here!''

Recently, Hollywood has become the source of much of the frustration around the dividing line between United States-born African-Americans and black immigrants. When the black British actress Cynthia Erivo was hired to play the abolitionist Harriet Tubman, the casting received immediate backlash. Similarly, the filmmaker Jordan Peele has been criticized for hiring Lupita Nyong'o, who is Kenyan, and Daniel Kaluuya, who is British, to play African-American characters in his movies.

But Mr. Moore, 39, and Ms. Carnell, 44, say they are not scapegoating black immigrants or trying to lead black voters astray. They say they are merely demanding something tangible from Democrats in exchange for votes and trying to raise awareness around the economic struggles of many black Americans.

Ms. Carnell said she learned of the huge disparities in inherited wealth that left black Americans with a tiny share of the economic pie by reading reports, including an Institute for Policy Studies report that predicted the median wealth of black families would drop to zero by 2053. Mr. Moore had been talking about some of the same studies on his own YouTube channel. The two joined forces in 2016 and coined the term ADOS, which spread as a hashtag on social media.

Image From front left to back left, Ms. Carnell, Cornel West and Antonio Moore before the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times ''What they have done is taken the racial wealth divide field out of academia and packaged it under a populist hashtag,'' said Dedrick Asante-Muhammad, of the Institute for Policy Studies.

Mr. Asante-Muhammad lamented that the rhetoric of the movement comes off as anti-immigrant and said that Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell ''over-dramatize'' the impact of African immigrants on the wealth and opportunities available to black Americans.

William Darity Jr., a professor at Duke University, has written a series of reports about wealth inequality cited by Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell. In one report, Dr. Darity found that the median net worth of white households in Los Angeles was $355,000, compared with $4,000 for black Americans. African immigrants in the city had a median net worth of $72,000. Dr. Darity's research also shows that not all immigrant groups are wealthy.

Dr. Darity did not attend the recent conference in Kentucky, but he said he saw ADOS as a social justice movement on behalf of a segment of the black population that is being left behind.

But not everyone agrees with Dr. Darity's view that empowering disadvantaged African-Americans is the extent of the group's message. Some who have used the hashtag have used racist, violent language when going after their detractors. Ms. Carnell once defended the term ''blood and soil,'' a Nazi slogan, on Twitter.

Ms. Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, said she was harassed online by the group's supporters after she mentioned ADOS on Joy Reid's MSNBC show in a segment about Russian disinformation campaigns.

During the segment, Ms. Mitchell implied that ADOS was made up of Russian bots impersonating real black people online. After the segment aired, the group's supporters harassed Ms. Mitchell as well as Ms. Reid, who they noted was born to immigrants.

''If you do not agree with them, or acknowledge their existence, they go after you,'' Ms. Mitchell said.

Ms. Carnell has also been criticized for her past service on the board of Progressives for Immigration Reform, an anti-immigration group that has received funding from a foundation linked to John Tanton, who was referred to as ''the puppeteer'' of the nation's nativist movement by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

A September newsletter from Progressives for Immigration Reform touted the growing political clout of ADOS and praised it as ''a movement that understands the impact unbridled immigration has had on our country's most vulnerable workers.''

This summer, ADOS ignited a flurry of criticism after Ms. Carnell complained that Senator Kamala Harris, Democrat of California, was running for president as an African-American candidate but had failed to put forth an agenda for black people. She noted that Ms. Harris is the daughter of an Indian mother and a Jamaican father. Critics quickly accused Ms. Carnell of ''birtherism'' and xenophobia.

And although Ms. Carnell and Mr. Moore say ADOS is a nonpartisan movement, the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump.

''I like #ADOS,'' Ann Coulter, a white conservative commentator, wrote on Twitter. ''But I think it should be #DOAS '-- Descendants of American slaves. Not Haitian slaves, not Moroccan slaves.''

At the conference in Kentucky, supporters pushed back against the idea that they were anti-immigrant or surrogates of the president's agenda.

''We're not xenophobes,'' said Mark Stevenson, a director of talent acquisition in the Navy who said he founded an ADOS chapter in Columbus, Ohio, this summer. ''If you ask somebody who is Latino what is their heritage, they'll tell you they are Puerto Rican or Dominican or Cuban.''

''This is our heritage,'' he added. ''I don't see the issue.''

Farah Stockman

Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:06

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Shireen Mitchell - Wikipedia

Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:05

Shireen Mitchell is an American entrepreneur, author, technology analyst and diversity strategist. She founded Digital Sisters/Sistas, Inc.,[1] the first organization dedicated to bringing women and girls of color online and Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW),[2] a project that addresses laws and policies to provide protections for women while online.

Career [ edit ] Shireen Mitchell began designing bulletin board systems and gopher (protocol) sites prior to the advent of websites. She was the webmaster for PoliticallyBlack.com, a site that was sold to Netivation (NTVN)[3] a large media company as one of the web transactions in the late 1990s that later went public.[4]

Mitchell formed the first woman of color web management firm in 1997, the Mitchell Holden Group (MHG). She then founded Digital Sisters/Sistas in 1999, first as a website and then an advocacy and training organization that focuses on technology, new media and diversity. Digital Sisters was the first organization created specifically to help women and girls of color get into the STEM field and use technology in their daily lives.

In 2010, she formed Tech Media Swirl LLC, a digital social strategy company focused integrated media strategies for outreach to diverse communities. In 2013, she founded Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW). The project highlights diverse voices of women, and in particular, women of color.

Honors and awards [ edit ] Eelan Media, Top 100 Most Influential Black People on digital/social media,[5] 2014DC Inno, Top Ten Influencers in Social Media,[6] 2012Fast Company Most Influential Women in Tech,[7] 2010Washingtonian's Tech Titans,[8] 2009The Root, 100 African-American Leaders of Excellence,[9] 2009Published works [ edit ] Gaining Daily Access to Science and Technology, 50 Ways to Improve Women's Lives . Inner Ocean Publishing. 21 June 2007. ISBN 978-1-930722-45-3. References [ edit ] External links [ edit ] Digital SistersStop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW)

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Marcus Garvey - Wikipedia

Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:04

Jamaica-born British political activist, Pan-Africanist, orator, and entrepreneur

Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr. ONH (17 August 1887 '' 10 June 1940) was a Jamaican political activist, publisher, journalist, entrepreneur, and orator. He was the founder and first President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL, commonly known as UNIA), through which he declared himself Provisional President of Africa. Ideologically a black nationalist and Pan-Africanist, his ideas came to be known as Garveyism.

Garvey was born to a moderately prosperous Afro-Jamaican family in Saint Ann's Bay, Colony of Jamaica and apprenticed into the print trade as a teenager. Working in Kingston, he became involved in trade unionism before living briefly in Costa Rica, Panama, and England. Returning to Jamaica, he founded UNIA in 1914. In 1916, he moved to the United States and established a UNIA branch in New York City's Harlem district. Emphasising unity between Africans and the African diaspora, he campaigned for an end to European colonial rule across Africa and the political unification of the continent. He envisioned a unified Africa as a one-party state, governed by himself, that would enact laws to ensure black racial purity. Although he never visited the continent, he was committed to the Back-to-Africa movement, arguing that many African-Americans should migrate there. Garveyist ideas became increasingly popular and UNIA grew in membership. However, his black separatist views'--and his collaboration with white racist groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) to advance their shared interest in racial separatism'--divided Garvey from other prominent African-American civil rights activists such as W. E. B. Du Bois who promoted racial integration.

Committed to the belief that African-Americans needed to secure financial independence from white-dominant society, Garvey launched various businesses in the U.S., including the Negro Factories Corporation and Negro World newspaper. In 1919, he became President of the Black Star Line shipping and passenger company, designed to forge a link between North America and Africa and facilitate African-American migration to Liberia. In 1923 Garvey was convicted of mail fraud for selling its stock and imprisoned in the Atlanta State Penitentiary. Many commentators have argued that the trial was politically motivated; Garvey blamed Jewish people, claiming that they were prejudiced against him because of his links to the KKK. Deported to Jamaica in 1927, where he settled in Kingston with his wife Amy Jacques, Garvey continued his activism and established the People's Political Party in 1929, briefly serving as a city councillor. With UNIA in increasing financial difficulty, in 1935 he relocated to London, where his anti-socialist stance distanced him from many of the city's black activists. He died there in 1940, although in 1964 his body was returned to Jamaica for reburial in Kingston's National Heroes Park.

Garvey was a controversial figure. Many in the African diasporic community regarded him as a pretentious demagogue and were highly critical of his collaboration with white supremacists, his violent rhetoric, and his prejudice against mixed-race people and Jews. He nevertheless received praise for encouraging a sense of pride and self-worth among Africans and the African diaspora amid widespread poverty, discrimination, and colonialism. He is seen as a national hero in Jamaica, and his ideas exerted a considerable influence on movements like Rastafari, the Nation of Islam, and the Black Power Movement.

Early life [ edit ] Childhood: 1887''1904 [ edit ] A statue of Garvey now stands in Saint Ann's Bay, the town where he was born

Marcus Mosiah Garvey was born on 17 August 1887 in Saint Ann's Bay, a town in the Colony of Jamaica. In the context of colonial Jamaican society, which had a colourist social hierarchy, Garvey was considered at the lowest end, being a black child who believed he was of full African ancestry; later genetic research nevertheless revealed that he had some Iberian ancestors.[3] Garvey's paternal great-grandfather had been born into slavery prior to its abolition in the British Empire. His surname, which was of Irish origin, had been inherited from his family's former owners.

His father, Malchus Garvey, was a stonemason; his mother, Sarah Richards, was a domestic servant and the daughter of peasant farmers. Malchus had had two previous partners before Sarah, siring six children between them. Sarah bore him four additional children, of whom Marcus was the youngest, although two died in infancy. Because of his profession, Malchus' family were wealthier than many of their peasant neighbours; they were petty bourgeoise. Malchus was however reckless with his money and over the course of his life lost most of the land he owned to meet payments. Malchus had a book collection and was self-educated; he also served as an occasional layman at a local Wesleyan church. Malchus was an intolerant and punitive father and husband; he never had a close relationship with his son.

Up to the age of 14, Garvey attended a local church school; further education was unaffordable for the family. When not in school, Garvey worked on his maternal uncle's tenant farm. He had friends, with whom he once broke the windows of a church, resulting in his arrest. Some of his friends were white, although he found that as they grew older they distanced themselves from him; he later recalled that a close childhood friend was a white girl: "We were two innocent fools who never dreamed of a race feeling and problem." In 1901, Marcus was apprenticed to his godfather, a local printer. In 1904, the printer opened another branch at Port Maria, where Garvey began to work, traveling from Saint Ann's Bay each morning.

Early career in Kingston: 1905''1909 [ edit ] In 1905 he moved to Kingston, where he boarded in Smith Village, a working class neighbourhood. In the city, he secured work with the printing division of the P.A. Benjamin Manufacturing Company. He rose quickly through the company ranks, becoming their first Afro-Jamaican foreman. His sister and mother, by this point estranged from his father, moved to join him in the city. In January 1907, Kingston was hit by an earthquake that reduced much of the city to rubble. He, his mother, and his sister were left to sleep in the open for several months. In March 1908, his mother died. While in Kingston, Garvey converted to Roman Catholicism.

Garvey became a trade unionist and took a leading role in the November 1908 print workers' strike. The strike was broken several weeks later and Garvey was sacked. Henceforth branded a troublemaker, Garvey was unable to find work in the private sector. He then found temporary employment with a government printer. As a result of these experiences, Garvey became increasingly angry at the inequalities present in Jamaican society.

Garvey involved himself with the National Club, Jamaica's first nationalist organisation, becoming its first assistant secretary in April 1910. The group campaigned to remove the British Governor of Jamaica, Sydney Olivier, from office, and to end the migration of Indian "coolies", or indentured workers, to Jamaica, as they were seen as a source of economic competition by the established population. With fellow Club member Wilfred Domingo he published a pamphlet expressing the group's ideas, The Struggling Mass. In early 1910, Garvey began publishing a magazine, Garvey's Watchman'--its name a reference to George William Gordon's The Watchman'--although it only lasted three issues. He claimed it had a circulation of 3000, although this was likely an exaggeration. Garvey also enrolled in elocution lessons with the radical journalist Robert J. Love, whom Garvey came to regard as a mentor. With his enhanced skill at speaking in a Standard English manner, he entered several public speaking competitions.

Travels abroad: 1910''1914 [ edit ] Economic hardship in Jamaica led to growing emigration from the island. In mid-1910, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where an uncle had secured him employment as a timekeeper on a large banana plantation in the Lim"n Province owned by the United Fruit Company (UFC). Shortly after his arrival, the area experienced strikes and unrest in opposition to the UFC's attempts to cut its workers' wages. Although as a timekeeper he was responsible for overseeing the manual workers, he became increasingly angered at how they were treated. In the spring of 1911 be launched a bilingual newspaper, Nation/La Naci"n, which criticised the actions of the UFC and upset many of the dominant strata of Costa Rican society in Lim"n. His coverage of a local fire, in which he questioned the motives of the fire brigade, resulted in him being brought in for police questioning. After his printing press broke, he was unable to replace the faulty part and terminated the newspaper.

In London, Garvey spent time in the Reading Room of the British Museum

Garvey then travelled through Central America, undertaking casual work as he made his way through Honduras, Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela. While in the port of Col"n in Panama, he set up a new newspaper, La Prensa ("The Press"). In 1911, he became seriously ill with a bacterial infection and decided to return to Kingston. He then decided to travel to London, the administrative centre of the British Empire, in the hope of advancing his informal education. In the spring of 1912 he sailed to England. Renting a room along Borough High Street in South London, he visited the House of Commons, where he was impressed by the politician David Lloyd George. He also visited Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park and began speaking there. There were only a few thousand black people in London at the time, and they were often viewed as exotic; most worked as labourers. Garvey initially gained piecemeal work labouring in the city's dockyards. In August 1912, his sister Indiana joined him in London, where she worked as a domestic servant.

In early 1913 he was employed as a messenger and handyman for the African Times and Orient Review, a magazine based in Fleet Street that was edited by Dus(C) Mohamed Ali. The magazine advocated Ethiopianism and home rule for British-occupied Egypt. In 1914, Mohamed Ali began employing Garvey's services as a writer for the magazine. He also took several evening classes in law at Birkbeck College in Bloomsbury. Garvey planned a tour of Europe, spending time in Glasgow, Paris, Monte Carlo, Boulogne, and Madrid. During the trip, he was briefly engaged to a Spanish-Irish heiress. Back in London, he wrote an article on Jamaica for the Tourist magazine, and spent time reading in the library of the British Museum. There he discovered Up from Slavery, a book by the African-American entrepreneur and activist Booker T. Washington. Washington's book heavily influenced him. Now almost financially destitute and deciding to return to Jamaica, he unsuccessfully asked both the Colonial Office and the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines' Protection Society to pay for his journey. After managing to save the funds for a fare, he boarded the SS Trent in June 1914 for a three-week journey across the Atlantic. En route home, Garvey talked with an Afro-Caribbean missionary who had spent time in Basutoland and taken a Basuto wife. Discovering more about colonial Africa from this man, Garvey began to envision a movement that would politically unify black people of African descent across the world.

Organization of UNIA [ edit ] Forming UNIA: 1914''1916 [ edit ] To the cultured mind the bulk of our [i.e. black] people are contemptible['...] Go into the country parts of Jamaica and you will see there villainy and vice of the worst kind, immorality, obeah and all kinds of dirty things['...] Kingston and its environs are so infested with the uncouth and vulgar of our people that we of the cultured class feel positively ashamed to move about. Well, this society [UNIA] has set itself the task to go among the people['...] and raise them to the standard of civilised approval.

'-- Garvey, from a 1915 Collegiate Hall speech published in the Daily Chronicle

Garvey arrived back in Jamaica in July 1914. There, he saw his article for Tourist republished in The Gleaner. He began earning money selling greeting and condolence cards which he had imported from Britain, before later switching to selling tombstones.

Also in July 1914, Garvey launched the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, commonly abbreviated as UNIA. Adopting the motto of "One Aim. One God. One Destiny", it declared its commitment to "establish a brotherhood among the black race, to promote a spirit of race pride, to reclaim the fallen and to assist in civilising the backward tribes of Africa." Initially, it had only few members. Many Jamaicans were critical of the group's prominent use of the term "Negro", a term which was often employed as an insult: Garvey, however, embraced the term in reference to black people of African descent.

Garvey became UNIA's president and travelling commissioner; it was initially based out of his hotel room in Orange Street, Kingston. It portrayed itself not as a political organisation but as a charitable club, focused on work to help the poor and to ultimately establish a vocational training college modelled on Washington's Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. Garvey wrote to Washington and received a brief, if encouraging reply; Washington died shortly after. UNIA officially expressed its loyalty to the British Empire, King George V, and the British effort in the ongoing First World War. In April 1915 Brigadier General L. S. Blackden lectured to the group on the war effort; Garvey endorsed Blackden's calls for more Jamaicans to sign up to fight for the Empire on the Western Front. The group also sponsored musical and literary evenings as well as a February 1915 elocution contest, at which Garvey took first prize.

In August 1914, Garvey attended a meeting of the Queen Street Baptist Literary and Debating Society, where he met Amy Ashwood, recently graduated from the Westwood Training College for Women. She joined UNIA and rented a better premises for them to use as their headquarters, secured using her father's credit. She and Garvey embarked on a relationship, which was opposed by her parents. In 1915 they secretly became engaged. When she suspended the engagement, he threatened to commit suicide, at which she resumed it.

I was openly hated and persecuted by some of these colored men of the island who did not want to be classified as Negroes but as white.

'-- Garvey, on how he was received in Jamaica

Garvey attracted financial contributions from many prominent patrons, including the Mayor of Kingston and the Governor of Jamaica, William Manning. By appealing directly to Jamaica's white elite, Garvey had skipped the brown middle-classes, comprising those who were classified as mulattos, quadroons, and octoroons. They were generally hostile to Garvey, regarding him as a pretentious social climber and being annoyed at his claim to be part of the "cultured class" of Jamaican society. Many also felt that he was unnecessarily derogatory when describing black Jamaicans, with letters of complaint being sent into the Daily Chronicle after it published one of Garvey's speeches in which he referred to many of his people as "uncouth and vulgar". One complainant, a Dr Leo Pink, related that "the Jamaican Negro can not be reformed by abuse". After unsubstantiated allegations began circling that Garvey was diverting UNIA funds to pay for his own personal expenses, the group's support began to decline. He became increasingly aware of how UNIA had failed to thrive in Jamaica and decided to migrate to the United States, sailing there aboard the SS Tallac in March 1916.

To the United States: 1916''1918 [ edit ] The UNIA flag, a tricolour of red, black, and green. According to Garvey, the red symbolises the blood of martyrs, the black symbolises the skin of Africans, and the green represents the vegetation of the land.

Arriving in the United States, Garvey began lodging with a Jamaican expatriate family living in Harlem, a largely black area of New York City. He began lecturing in the city, hoping to make a career as a public speaker, although at his first public speech was heckled and fell off the stage. From New York City, he embarked on a U.S. speaking tour, crossing 38 states. At stopovers on his journey he listened to preachers from the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Black Baptist churches. While in Alabama, he visited the Tuskegee Institute and met with its new leader, Robert Russa Moton. After six months traveling across the U.S. lecturing, he returned to New York City.

In May 1917, Garvey launched a New York branch of UNIA. He declared membership open to anyone "of Negro blood and African ancestry" who could pay the 25 cents a month membership fee. He joined many other speakers who spoke on the street, standing on step-ladders; he often did so on Speakers' Corner in 135th Street. In his speeches, he sought to reach across to both black West Indian migrants like himself and native African-Americans. Through this, he began to associate with Hubert Harrison, who was promoting ideas of black self-reliance and racial separatism. In June, Garvey shared a stage with Harrison at the inaugural meeting of the latter's Liberty League of Negro-Americans. Through his appearance here and at other events organised by Harrison, Garvey attracted growing public attention.

After the U.S. entered the First World War in April 1917, Garvey initially signed up to fight but was ruled physically unfit to do so. He later became an opponent of African-American involvement in the conflict, following Harrison in accusing it of being a "white man's war". In the wake of the East St. Louis Race Riots in May to July 1917, in which white mobs targeted black people, Garvey began calling for armed self-defense. He produced a pamphlet, "The Conspiracy of the East St Louis Riots", which was widely distributed; proceeds from its sale went to victims of the riots. The Bureau of Investigation began monitoring him, noting that in speeches he employed more militant language than that used in print; it for instance reported him expressing the view that "for every Negro lynched by whites in the South, Negroes should lynch a white in the North."

By the end of 1917, Garvey had attracted many of Harrison's key associates in his Liberty League to UNIA. He also secured the support of the journalist John Edward Bruce, agreeing to step down from the group's presidency in favor of Bruce. Bruce then wrote to Dus(C) Mohamed Ali to learn more about Garvey's past. Mohamed Ali responded with a negative assessment of Garvey, suggesting that he simply used UNIA as a money-making scheme. Bruce read this letter to a UNIA meeting and put pressure on Garvey's position. Garvey then resigned from UNIA, establishing a rival group that met at Old Fellows Temple. He also launched legal proceedings against Bruce and other senior UNIA members, with the court ruling that the group's name and membership'--now estimated at around 600'--belonged to Garvey, who resumed control over it.

The growth of UNIA: 1918''1921 [ edit ] In 1918, UNIA membership grew rapidly. In June that year it was incorporated, and in July a commercial arm, the African Communities' League, filed for incorporation. Garvey envisioned UNIA establishing an import-and-export business, a restaurant, and a launderette. He also proposed raising the funds to secure a permanent building as a base for the group. In April 1918, Garvey launched a weekly newspaper, the Negro World, which Cronon later noted remained "the personal propaganda organ of its founder". Financially, it was backed by philanthropists like Madam C. J. Walker, but six months after its launch was pursuing a special appeal for donations to keep it afloat. Various journalists took Garvey to court for his failure to pay them for their contributions, a fact much publicised by rival publications; at the time, there were over 400 black-run newspapers and magazines in the U.S. Unlike may of these, Garvey refused to feature adverts for skin-lightening and hair-straightening products, urging black people to "take the kinks out of your mind, instead of out of your hair". By the end of its first year, the circulation of Negro World was nearing 10,000; copies circulated not only in the US, but also in the Caribbean, Central, and South America.

In April 1918, Garvey's UNIA began publishing the

Negro World newspaper

Garvey appointed his old friend Domingo, who had also arrived in New York City, as the newspaper's editor. However, Domingo's socialist views alarmed Garvey who feared that they would imperil UNIA. Garvey had Domingo brought before UNIA's nine-person executive committee, where he was accused of writing editorials professing ideas at odds with UNIA's message. Domingo resigned several months later; he and Garvey henceforth became enemies. In September 1918, Ashwood sailed from Panama to be with Garvey, arriving in New York City in October. In November, she became General Secretary of UNIA. At UNIA gatherings, she was responsible for reciting black-authored poetry, as was the actor Henrietta Vinton Davis, who had also joined the movement.

After the First World War ended, President Woodrow Wilson declared his intention to present a 14-point plan for world peace at the forthcoming Paris Peace Conference. Garvey was among the African-Americans who formed the International League of Darker Peoples which sought to lobby Wilson and the conference to give greater respect to the wishes of people of colour; their delegates nevertheless were unable to secure the travel documentation. At Garvey's prompting, UNIA sent a young Haitian, Elizier Cadet, as its delegate to the conference. The world leaders who met at the conference nevertheless largely ignored such perspectives, instead reaffirming their support for European colonialism.

In the U.S., many African-Americans who had served in the military refused to return to their more subservient role in society and throughout 1919 there were various racial clashes throughout the country. The government feared that black people would be encouraged to revolutionary behavior following the October Revolution in Russia, and in this context, military intelligence ordered Major Walter Loving to investigate Garvey. Loving's report concluded that Garvey was a "very able young man" who was disseminating "clever propaganda". The BOI's J. Edgar Hoover decided that Garvey was worthy of deportation and decided to include him in their Palmer Raids launched to deport subversive non-citizens. The BOI presented Garvey's name to the Labor Department under Louis F. Post to ratify the deportation but Post's department refused to do so, stating that the case against Garvey was not proven.

Success and obstacles [ edit ] Garvey speaking at Liberty Hall in 1920

UNIA grew rapidly and in just over 18 months it had branches in 25 U.S. states, as well as divisions in the West Indies, Central America, and West Africa. The exact membership is not known, although Garvey'--who often exaggerated numbers'--claimed that by June 1919 it had two million members. It remained smaller than the better established National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), although there was some crossover in membership of the two groups. The NAACP and UNIA differed in their approach; while the NAACP was a multi-racial organisation which promoted racial integration, UNIA was a black-only group. The NAACP focused its attention on what it termed the "talented tenth" of the African-American population, such as doctors, lawyers, and teachers, whereas UNIA emphasized the image of a mass organisation and included many poorer people and West Indian migrants in its ranks. NAACP supporters accused Garvey of stymieing their efforts at bringing about racial integration in the U.S.

Garvey was dismissive of the NAACP leader W. E. B. Du Bois, and in one issue of the Negro World called him a "reactionary under [the] pay of white men". Du Bois generally tried to ignore Garvey, regarding him as a demagogue, but at the same time wanted to learn all he could about Garvey's movement. In 1921, Garvey twice reached out to DuBois, asking him to contribute to UNIA publications, but the offer was rebuffed. Their relationship became acrimonious; in 1923, DuBois described Garvey as "a little fat black man, ugly but with intelligent eyes and big head". By 1924, Grant suggested, the two hated each other.

To promote his views to a wide audience, Garvey took to shouting slogans from a megaphone as he was driven through Harlem in a Cadillac. UNIA established a restaurant and ice cream parlour at 56 West 135th Street, and also launched a millinery store selling hats. With an increased income coming in through UNIA, Garvey moved to a new residence at 238 West 131st Street; in 1919, a young middle-class Jamaican migrant, Amy Jacques, became his personal secretary. UNIA also obtained a partially-constructed church building in Harlem, which Garvey named "Liberty Hall" after its namesake in Dublin, Ireland, which had been established during the Easter Rising of 1916. The adoption of this name reflected Garvey's fascination for the Irish independence movement. Liberty Hall's dedication ceremony was held in July 1919. Garvey also organised the African Legion, a group of uniformed men who would attend UNIA parades; a secret service was formed from Legion members, providing Garvey with intelligence about group members. The formation of the Legion further concerned the BOI, who sent their first full-time black agent, James Wormley Jones, to infiltrate UNIA.In January 1920, Garvey incorporated the Negro Factories League.According to Grant, a personality cult had grown up around Garvey within the UNIA movement; life-size portraits of him hung in the UNIA HQ and phonographs of his speeches were sold to the membership.

In August, UNIA organized the First International Conference of the Negro Peoples in Harlem. This parade was attended by Gabriel Johnson, the Mayor of Monrovia in Liberia. As part of it, an estimated 25,000 people assembled in Madison Square Gardens. At the conference, UNIA delegates declared him the Provisional President of Africa, charged with heading a government-in-exile. Some of the West Africans attending the event were angered by this, believing it wrong that an Afro-Jamaican, rather than an African, was taking on this role. Many outside the movement ridiculed Garvey for giving himself this title. The conference then elected other members of the African government-in-exile, and resulted in the production of a Bill of Rights which condemned colonial rule across Africa. In August 1921, UNIA held a banquet in Liberty Hall, at which Garvey gave out honors to various supporters, including such titles as Order of the Nile and the Order of Ethiopia.

UNIA established growing links with the Liberian government, hoping to secure land in the West African nation where various African-Americans could move to. Liberia was in heavy debt, with UNIA launching a fundraising campaign to raise $2 million towards a Liberian Construction Loan. In 1921, Garvey sent a UNIA team to assess the prospects in Liberia.Internally, UNIA experienced various feuds. Garvey pushed out Cyril Briggs and other members of the African Blood Brotherhood from UNIA, wanting to place growing distance between himself and black socialist groups. In the Negro World, Garvey then accused Briggs'--who was of mixed heritage'--of being a white man posing as a black man. Briggs then successfully sued Garvey for criminal libel.

Assassination attempts, marriage, and divorce [ edit ] In July 1919, Garvey was arrested and charged with criminal libel for claims made about Edwin Kilroe in the Negro World. When this eventually came to court, he was ordered to provide a printed retraction. In October 1919, George Tyler, a part-time vendor of the Negro World, entered the UNIA office and tried to assassinate Garvey. The latter received two bullets in his legs but survived. Tyler was soon apprehended but died in an escape attempt from jail; it was thus never revealed why he tried to kill Garvey. Garvey soon recovered from the incident; five days later he gave a public speech in Philadelphia. After the assassination attempt, Garvey hired a bodyguard, Marcellus Strong. Shortly after the incident, Garvey proposed marriage to Amy Ashwood and she accepted. On Christmas Day, they had a private Roman Catholic church wedding, followed by a major ceremonial celebration in Liberty Hall, attended by 3000 UNIA members. Jacques was her maid of honour. After the marriage, he moved into Ashwood's apartment.

The newlyweds embarked on a two-week honeymoon in Canada, accompanied by a small UNIA retinue, including Jacques. There, Garvey spoke at two mass meetings in Montreal and three in Toronto. Returning to Harlem, the couple's marriage was soon strained. Ashwood complained of Garvey's growing closeness with Jacques. Garvey was upset by his inability to control his wife, particularly her drinking and her socialising with other men. She was pregnant, although the child was possibly not his; she did not inform him of this, and the pregnancy ended in miscarriage.

Three months into the marriage, Garvey sought an annulment, on the basis of Ashwood's alleged adultery and the claim that she had used "fraud and concealment" to induce the marriage. She launched a counter-claim for desertion, requesting $75 a week alimony. The court rejected this sum, but ordered Garvey to pay her $12 a week, but also refused to grant him the divorce. The court proceedings continued for two years. Now separated, Garvey moved into a 129th Street apartment with Jacques and Henrietta Vinton Davis, an arrangement that at the time could have caused some social controversy. He was later joined there by his sister Indiana and her husband, Alfred Peart. Ashwood, meanwhile, went on to become a lyricist and musical director for musicals amid the Harlem Renaissance.

The Black Star Line [ edit ] From 56 West 135th, UNIA also began selling shares for a new business, the Black Star Line.The Black Star Line based its name on the White Star Line. Garvey envisioned a shipping and passenger line travelling between Africa and the Americas, which would be black-owned, black-staffed, and utilised by black patrons. He thought that the project could be launched by raising $2 million from African-American donors, publicly declaring that any black person who did not buy stock in the company "will be worse than a traitor to the cause of struggling Ethiopia". He incorporated the company and then sought about trying to purchase a ship. Many African-Americans took great pride in buying company stock, seeing it as an investment in their community's future; Garvey also promised that when the company began turning a profit they would receive significant financial returns on their investment. To advertise this stock, he travelled to Virginia, and then in September 1919 to Chicago, where he was accompanied by seven other UNIA members. In Chicago, he was arrested and fined for violating the Blue Sky Laws which banned the sale of stock in the city without a license.

A certificate for stock of the Black Star Line

With growing quantities of money coming in, a three-man auditing committee was established, with found that UNIA's funds were poorly recorded and that the company's books were not balanced. This was followed by a breakdown in trust between the directors of the Black Star Line, with Garvey discharging two of them, Richard E. Warner and Edgar M. Grey, and publicly humiliating them as the next UNIA meeting. People continued buying stock regardless and by September 1919, the Black Star Line company had accumulated $50,000 by selling stock. It could thus afford a thirty-year old tramp ship, the SS Yarmouth. The ship was formally launched in a ceremony on the Hudson River on 31 October. The company had been unable to find enough trained black seamen to staff the ship, so its initial chief engineer and chief officer were white.

The ship's first assignment was to sale to Cuba and then to Jamaica, before returning to New York. After that first voyage, the Yarmouth was found to contain many problems and the Black Star Line had to pay $11,000 for repairs. On its second voyage, again to the Caribbean, it hit bad weather shortly after departure and had to be towed back to New York by the coastguard for further repairs.Garvey planned to obtain and launch a second ship by February 1920, with the Black Star Line putting down a $10,000 down payment on a paddle ship called the SS Shadyside. In July 1920, Garvey sacked both the Black Star Line's secretary, Edward D. Smith-Green, and its captain, Cockburn; the latter was accused of corruption. In early 1922, the Yarmouth was sold for scrap metal.

In 1921, Garvey travelled to the Caribbean aboard a new BSL ship, the Antonio Maceo, which they had renamed the Kanawha. While in Jamaica, he criticised its inhabitants as being backward and claimed that "Negroes are the most lazy, the most careless and indifferent people in the world". His comments in Jamaica earned many enemies who criticised him on multiple fronts, including the fact he had left his destitute father to die in an almshouse. Attacks back-and-forth between Garvey and his critics appeared in the letters published by The Gleaner. From Jamaica, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where the United Fruit Company assisted his transportation around the country, hoping to gain his favour. There, he met with President Julio Acosta. Arriving in Panama, at one of his first speeches, in Almirante, he was booed after doubling the advertised entry price; his response was to call the crowd "a bunch of ignorant and impertinent Negroes. No wonder you are where you are and for my part you can stay where you are." He received a far warmer reception at Panama City, after which he sailed to Kingston. From there he sought a return to the U.S., but was repeatedly denied an entry visa. This was only granted after he wrote directly to the State Department.

Criminal charges: 1922''1923 [ edit ] In January 1922, Garvey was arrested and charged with mail fraud for having advertised the sale of stocks in a ship, the Orion, which the Black Star Line did not yet own. He was bailed for $2,500. Hoover and the BOI were committed to securing a conviction; they had also received complaints from a small number of the Black Star Line's stock owners, who wanted them to pursue the matter further. Garvey spoke out against the charges he faced, but focused on blaming not the state, but rival African-American groups, for them. As well as accusing disgruntled former members of UNIA, in a Liberty Hall speech, he implied that the NAACP were behind the conspiracy to imprison him. The mainstream press picked up on the charge, largely presenting Garvey as a con artist who had swindled African-American people.

After the arrest, he made plans for a tour of the western and southern states. This included a parade in Los Angeles, partly to woo back members of UNIA's California branch, which had recently splintered off to become independent.In June 1922, Garvey met with Edward Young Clarke, the Imperial Wizard pro tempore of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) at the Klan's offices in Atlanta. Garvey made a number of incendiary speeches in the months leading up to that meeting; in some, he thanked the whites for Jim Crow.[217] Garvey once stated:

I regard the Klan, the Anglo-Saxon clubs and White American societies, as far as the Negro is concerned, as better friends of the race than all other groups of hypocritical whites put together. I like honesty and fair play. You may call me a Klansman if you will, but, potentially, every white man is a Klansman as far as the Negro in competition with whites socially, economically and politically is concerned, and there is no use lying.[218]

News of Garvey's meeting with the KKK soon spread and it was covered on the front page of many African-American newspapers, causing widespread upset. When news of the meeting was revealed, it generated much surprise and anger among African-Americans; Grant noted that it marked "the most significant turning point in his popularity". Several prominent black Americans'--Chandler Owen, A. Philip Randolph, William Pickens, and Robert Bagnall'--launched the "Garvey Must Go" campaign in the wake of the revelation. Many of these critics played to nativist ideas by emphasising Garvey's Jamaican identity and sometimes calling for his deportation. Pickens and several other of Garvey's critics claimed to have been threatened, and sometimes physically attacked, by Garveyites. Randolph reported receiving a severed hand in the post, accompanied by a letter from the KKK threatening him to stop criticising Garvey and to join UNIA.

Have this day interviewed Edward Young Clarke, acting Imperial Wizard Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. In conference of two ours he outlined the aims and objects of the Klan. He denied any hostility towards the Negro Improvement Association. He believes America to be a white man's country, and also states that the Negro should have a country of his own in Africa['...] He has been invited to speak at [UNIA's] forthcoming convention to further assure the race of the stand of the Klan.

'--Garvey's telegram to UNIA HQ, June 1922.

1922 also brought some successes for Garvey. He attracted the country's first black pilot, Hubert Fauntleroy Julian, to join UNIA and to perform aerial stunts to raise its profile. The group also launched its Booker T. Washington University from the UNIA-run Phyllis Wheatley Hotel on West 136th Street. He also finally succeeded in securing a UNIA delegation to the League of Nations, sending five members to represent the group to Geneva. Garvey also proposed marriage to his secretary, Jacques. She accepted, although later stated: "I did not marry for love. I did not love Garvey. I married him because I thought it was the right thing to do." They married in Baltimore in July 1922. She proposed that a book of his speeches be published; it appeared as The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, although the speeches were edited to remove more inflammatory material. That year, UNIA also launched a new newspaper, the Daily Negro Times.

At UNIA's August 1922 convention, Garvey called for the impeachment of several senior UNIA figures, including Adrian Johnson and J. D. Gibson, and declared that the UNIA cabinet should not be elected by the organisation's members, but appointed directly by him. When they refused to step down, he resigned both as head of UNIA and as Provisional President of Africa, probably in an act designed to compel their own resignations. He then began openly criticising another senior member, Reverend James Eason, and succeeded in getting him expelled from UNIA. With Eason gone, Garvey asked the rest of the cabinet to resign; they did so, at which he resumed his role as head of the organisation. In September, Eason launched a rival group to UNIA, the Universal Negro Alliance. In January 1923, Eason was assassinated by Garveyites while in New Orleans. Hoover suspected that the killing had been ordered by senior UNIA members, although Garvey publicly denied any involvement; he nevertheless launched a defense fund campaign for Eason's killers.

Following the murder, eight prominent African-Americans signed a public letter calling Garvey "an unscrupulous demagogue who has ceaselessly and assiduously sought to spread among Negroes distrust and hatred of all white people". They urged the Attorney-General to bring forth the criminal case against Garvey and disband UNIA. Garvey was furious, publicly accusing them of "the greatest bit of treachery and wickedness that any group of Negroes could be capable of." In a pamphlet attacking them he focused on their racial heritage, lambasting the eight for the reason that "nearly all [are] Octoroons and Quadroons". DuBois'--who was not among the eight'--then wrote an article critical of Garvey's activities in the U.S. Garvey responded by calling DuBois "a Hater of Dark People", an "unfortunate mulatto who bewails every drop of Negro blood in his veins".

Trial: 1923 [ edit ] The Black Star Line brochure for the SS Phyllis Wheatley, central exhibit in the Mail Fraud case of 1921. The SS Phyllis Wheatley, did not exist, this is a doctored photograph of an ex-German ship the SS Orion put up for sale by the United States Shipping Board. The Black Star Line had proposed to buy her but the transaction was never completed.

[244]Having been postponed at least three times, in May 1923, the trial finally came to court, with Garvey and three other defendants accused of mail fraud.The judge overseeing the proceedings was Julian Mack, although Garvey disliked his selection on the grounds that he thought Mack an NAACP sympathiser. At the start of the trial, Garvey's attorney, Cornelius McDougald, urged him to plead guilty to secure a minimum sentence, but Garvey refused, dismissing McDougald and deciding to represent himself in court. The trial proceeded for over a month. Throughout, Garvey struggled due to his lack of legal training. In his three-hour closing address he presented himself as a selfless leader who was beset by incompetent and thieving staff who caused all the problems for UNIA and the Black Star Line. On 18 June, the jurors retired to deliberate on the verdict, returning after ten hours. They found Garvey himself guilty, but his three co-defendants not guilty.

Garvey was furious with the verdict, shouting abuse in the courtroom and calling both the judge and district attorney "damned dirty Jews". Imprisoned in The Tombs jail while awaiting sentencing, he continued to blame a Jewish cabal for the verdict; in contrast, prior to this he had never expressed anti-semitic sentiment and was supportive of Zionism. When it came to sentencing, Mack sentenced Garvey to five years' imprisonment and a $1000 fine. The severity of the sentence'--which was harsher than those given to similar crimes at the time'--may have been a response to Garvey's anti-Semitic outburst. He felt that they had been biased because of their political objections to his meeting with the acting imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan the year before.[253] In 1928, Garvey told a journalist: "When they wanted to get me they had a Jewish judge try me, and a Jewish prosecutor. I would have been freed but two Jews on the jury held out against me ten hours and succeeded in convicting me, whereupon the Jewish judge gave me the maximum penalty."[253]

A week after the sentence, 2000 Garveyite protesters met at Liberty Hall to denounce Garvey's conviction as a miscarriage of justice. However, with Garvey imprisoned, UNIA's membership began to decline, and there was a growing schism between its Caribbean and African-American members. From jail, Garvey continued to write letters and articles lashing out at those he blamed for the conviction, focusing much of his criticism on the NAACP.

Out on bail: 1923''1925 [ edit ] In September, Judge Martin Manton awarded Garvey bail for $15,000'--which was duly raised by UNIA'--while he appealed his conviction. Again a free man, he toured the U.S., giving a lecture at the Tuskegee Institute. In speeches given during this tour he further emphasised the need for racial segregation through migration to Africa, calling the United States "a white man's country". He continued to defend his meeting with the KKK, describing them as having more "honesty of purpose towards the Negro" than the NAACP. Although he previously avoided involvement with party politics, for the first time he encouraged UNIA to propose candidates in elections, often setting them against NAACP-backed candidates in areas with high black populations.

The American Negro has endured this wretch [Garvey] too long with fine restraint and every effort of cooperation and understanding. But the end has come. Every man who apologises for or defends Marcus Garvey from this day forth writes himself down as unworthy of the countenance of decent Americans. As for Garvey himself, this open ally of the Ku Klux Klan should be locked up or sent home.

'--DuBois, in Crisis, May 1924.

In February 1924, UNIA put forward its plans to bring 3000 African-American migrants to Liberia. The latter's President, Charles D. B. King, assured them that he would grant them area for three colonies. In June, a team of UNIA technicians was sent to start work in preparing for these colonies. When they arrived in Liberia, they were arrested and immediately deported. At the same time, Liberia's government issued a press release declaring that it would refuse permission for any Americans to settle in their country. Garvey blamed DuBois for this apparent change in the Liberian government's attitude, for the latter had spent time in the country and had links with its ruling elite; DuBois denied the accusation. Later examination suggested that, despite King's assurances to the UNIA team, the Liberian government had never seriously intended to allow African-American colonisation, aware that it would harm relations with the British and French colonies on their borders, who feared the political radicalism it could bring with it.

UNIA faced further setbacks when Bruce died; the group organised a funeral procession ending in a ceremony at Liberty Hall. In need of additional finances, Negro World dropped its longstanding ban on advertising skin lightening and hair straightening products. The additional revenues allowed the Black Star Line to purchase a new ship, the SS General G W Goethals, in October 1924. It was then renamed the SS Booker T. Washington.

Imprisonment: 1925''1927 [ edit ] In early 1925, the U.S. Court of Appeal upheld the original court decision. Garvey was in Detroit at the time and was arrested while aboard a train back to New York City. In February he was taken to the Atlanta Federal Penitentiary and incarcerated there. Imprisoned, he was made to carry out cleaning tasks. On one occasion he was reprimanded for insolence towards the white prison officers. There, he became increasingly ill with chronic bronchitis and lung infections; two years into his imprisonment he would be hospitalized with influenza. He received regular letters from UNIA members and from his wife; she also visited him every three weeks. With his support, she assembled another book of his collected speeches, Philosophy and Opinions; these had often been edited to remove inflammatory comments about wielding violence against white people. He also wrote The Meditations of Marcus Garvey, its name an allusion to The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius. From prison, Garvey continued corresponding with far-right white separatist activists like Earnest Sevier Cox of the White American Society and John Powell of the Anglo-Saxon Clubs of America; the latter visited Garvey in prison.

While Garvey was imprisoned, Ashwood launched a legal challenge against his divorce from her; had the divorce been found void then his marriage to Jacques would have been invalid. The court nevertheless ruled in favor of Garvey, recognising the legality of his divorce. With Garvey absent, William Sherrill became acting head of UNIA. To deal with the organisation's financial problems, he re-mortgaged Liberty Hall to pay off debts and ended up selling off the SS Brooker T Washington at a quarter of what UNIA had paid for it. Garvey was angry and in February 1926 wrote to the Negro World expressing his dissatisfaction with Sherrill's leadership. From prison, he organized an emergency UNIA convention in Detroit, where delegates voted to depose Sherrill. The latter's supporters then held a rival convention in Liberty Hall, reflecting the growing schism in the organization. A subsequent court ruling determined that it was UNIA's New York branch, then controlled by Sherrill, rather than the central UNIA leadership itself, that owned Liberty Hall. The financial problems continued, resulting in Liberty Hall being repeatedly re-mortgaged and then sold.

The Attorney General, John Sargent, received a petition with 70,000 signatures urging for Garvey's release. Sargeant warned President Calvin Coolidge that African-Americans were regarding Garvey's imprisonment not as a form of justice against a man who had swindled them but as "an act of oppression of the race in their efforts in the direction of race progress". Eventually, Coolidge agreed to commute the sentence so that it would expire immediately, on 18 November 1927. He stipulated, however, that Garvey should be deported straight after release. On being released, Garvey was taken by train to New Orleans, where around a thousand supporters saw him onto the SS Saramaca on 3 December. The ship then stopped at Crist"bal in Panama, where supporters again greeted him, but where the authorities refused his request to disembark. He then transferred to the SS Santa Maria, which took him to Kingston.

Later years [ edit ] Back to Jamaica: 1927''1935 [ edit ] In Kingston, Garvey was greeted by supporters. UNIA members had raised $10,000 to help him settle in Jamaica, with which he bought a large house in an elite neighbourhood, which he called the "Somali Court". His wife shipped over his belongings'--which included 18,000 books and hundreds of antiques'--before joining him. In Jamaica, he continued giving speeches, including at a building in Kingston he had also named "Liberty Hall". He urged Afro-Jamaicans to raise their standards of living and rally against Chinese and Syrian migrants who had moved to the island. Meanwhile, the U.S. UNIA had been taken over by E. B. Knox; the latter was summoned to Jamaica for a meeting with Garvey after Laura Kofey, the leader of a group that had broken from UNIA, was killed, bringing the organisation into further disrepute.

Garvey attempted to travel across Central America but found his hopes blocked by the region's various administrations, who regarded him as disruptive. Instead, he travelled to England in April, where he rented a house in London's West Kensington area for four months. In May, he spoke at the Royal Albert Hall. Later that year, he and his wife visited Paris, where he spoke at the Club du Fauborg, before traveling to Switzerland. They then travelled to Canada, where Garvey was detained for one night before being barred from making speeches.

Back in Kingston, UNIA obtained Edelweiss Park in Cross Roads, which it established as its new headquarters. They held a conference there, opened by a parade through the city which attracted tens of thousands of onlookers. At Edelweiss Park, UNIA also began putting on plays. One of these, Coronation of an African King, was written by Garvey and performed in August 1930. Its plot revolved around the crowning of Prince Cudjoe of Sudan, although it anticipated the crowning of Haile Selassie of Ethiopia later that year. In Jamaica, Garvey became a de facto surrogate father to his niece, Ruth, whose father had recently died. In September 1930, his first son, Marcus Garvey Junior, was born; three years later a second son, Julius, followed.

In Kingston, Garvey was elected a city councillor and established the country's first political party, the People's Political Party (PPP), through which he intended to contest the forthcoming legislative council election. In September 1929 he addressed a crowd of 1,500 supporters, launching the PPP's manifesto, which included land reform to benefit tenant farmers, the addition of a minimum wage to the constitution, pledges to build Jamaica's first university and opera house, and a proposed law to impeach and imprison corrupt judges. The latter policy ked to Garvey being charged with demeaning the judiciary and undermining public confidence in it. He pled guilty, and was sentences to three months in a Spanish Town prison and a £100 fine. While imprisoned, Garvey was removed from the Kingston council by other councillors. Garvey was furious and wrote an editorial against them, published in the Blackman journal. This resulted in his being charged with seditious libel, for which he was convicted and sentences to six months in prison. His conviction was then overturned on appeal. He then campaigned as the PPP's candidate for the legislative assembly in Saint Andrew Parish, in which he secured 915 votes, being defeated by George Seymour-Jones.

In increasingly strained finances amid the Great Depression, Garvey began working as an auctioneer, and by 1935 was supplementing this with his wife's savings. He re-mortgaged his house and personal properties and in 1934 Edelweiss Park was foreclosed and auctioned off. Dissatisfied with life in Jamaica, Garvey decided to move to London, sailing aboard the SS Tilapa in March 1935.Once in London, he told his friend Amy Bailey that he had "left Jamaica a broken man, broken in spirit, broken in health and broken in pocket... and I will never, never, never go back."

Life in London: 1935''1940 [ edit ] In London, Garvey sought to rebuild UNIA, although found there was much competition in the city from other black activist groups. He established a new UNIA headquarters in Beaumont Gardens, West Kensington and launched a new monthly journal, Black Man. Garvey returned to speaking at Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park. When he spoke in public, he was increasingly harangued by socialists for his conservative stances. He also had hopes of becoming a Member of Parliament, although this amounted to nothing.

In 1935, the Second Italo-Ethiopian War broke out as Italy invaded Ethiopia. Garvey spoke out against the Italians and praised the government of Haile Selassie. By October, however, he was becoming increasingly critical of Selassie, blaming his lack of preparedness for Ethiopia's failures in the war. When Selassie fled his homeland and arrived in Britain, Garvey was among the black delegates who arranged to meet him at Waterloo railway station, but was rebuffed. From that point he became more openly hostile to Selassie, describing him as a "feudal monarch who looks down upon his slaves and serfs with contempt" and "a great coward who ran away from his country to save his skin". Garvey's vocal criticisms of Selassie further ostracised him from the broader black activist community'--including many Garveyites'--most of whom were rallying around Selassie as a symbol of Ethiopia's struggle against colonialism.

In June 1937, Garvey's wife and children arrived in England, where the latter were sent to a school in Kensington Gardens. Shortly after, Garvey embarked on a lecture and fundraising tour of Canada and the Caribbean, in which he attended the annual UNIA convention in Toronto. In Trinidad, he openly criticised a recent oil workers' strike; this probably exacerbated tensions between him and two prominent Trinidadian Marxists then living in London, C. L. R. James and George Padmore. Once he had returned to London, Garvey took up a new family home in Talgarth Road, not far from UNIA's headquarters. In public debates, Garvey repeatedly clashed with Padmore, who was chai of the International African Service Bureau. In the summer of 1938, Garvey returned to Toronto for the next UNIA conference.

While Garvey was gone, his wife and sons returned to Jamaica. Doctors had recommended that Marcus Garvey Junior be moved to a warm climate to aid with his severe rheumatism; Jacques had not informed her husband of the decision. When Garvey returned to London, he was furious with his wife's decision. Garvey was increasingly isolated, while UNIA was running out of funds as its international membership dwindled. For the first time in many years, he met up with Ashwood, who was also living in London.

Death and burial: 1940 [ edit ] In January 1940, Garvey suffered a stroke which left him largely paralysed. His secretary, Daisy Whyte, took on responsibility for his care. At this point, Padmore spread rumours of Garvey's death; this led to many newspapers publishing premature obituaries, many of which he read. Garvey then suffered a second stroke and died at the age of 52 on 10 June 1940. His body was interred in a vault in the catacombs of St Mary's Roman Catholic Church in Kensal Green Cemetery, West London.

Various wakes and memorials were held for Garvey, especially in New York City and Kingston. In Harlem, a procession of mourners paraded to his memorial service. Some Garveyites refused to believe Garvey had died, even when confronted with photographs of his body in its coffin, insisting that this was part of a conspiracy to undermine his movement. Both Ashwood and Jacques presented themselves as the "widow of Marcus Garvey" and Ashwood launched legal action against Jacques in an attempt to secure control over his body.

In 1964, his body was removed from the crypt and taken to Jamaica, where the government named him Jamaica's first National Hero and reinterred in Kingston.[336] The body lay in state at the Roman Catholic Cathedral in Kingston while thousands of visitors came to see it; it was then taken by motorcade to King George VI Memorial Park, where it was buried. The monument, designed by G. C. Hodges, consists of a tomb at the center of a raised platform in the shape of a black star, a symbol often used by Garvey. Behind it, a peaked and angled wall houses a bust, by Alvin T. Marriot, of Garvey, which was added to the park in 1956 (before his reinterment) and relocated after the construction of the monument.[338]

Ideology [ edit ] A UNIA parade through Harlem in 1920

Ideologically, Garvey was a black nationalist. His ideas were influenced by a range of sources. According to Grant, while in London Garvey displayed "an amazing capacity to absorb political tracts, theories of social engineering, African history and Western Enlightenment." Garvey was exposed to the ideas about race that were prevalent at the time; his ideas on race were also heavily informed by Blyden's writings. While in the U.S., ideas about the need for black racial purity became central to his thought.

During the late 1910s and 1920s, Garvey was also influenced by the ideas of the Irish independence movement, to which he was sympathetic. He saw strong parallels between the British subjugation of Ireland and the broader subjugation of black people, and identified strongly with the Irish independence leader ‰amon de Valera. He wrote a letter to Valera stating that "We believe Ireland should be free even as Africa shall be free for the Negroes of the world". For Garvey, Ireland's Sinn F(C)in and the Irish independence movement served as a blueprint for his own black nationalist cause. Garvey also admired Irish patriotism, stating "I would like to create an interest, create love in your breast for the native land, just as the Irishman born in this country loves Ireland as he loves no other place".[344] and in July 1919 he stated that "the time has come for the Negro race to offer up its martyrs upon the altar of liberty even as the Irish [had] given a long list from Robert Emmet to Roger Casement."[345] He also admired the Indian independence movement then seeking freedom from the British Empire, describing Mahatma Gandhi as "one of the noblest characters of the day".

While imprisoned, he penned an editorial for the Negro World entitled "African Fundamentalism", in which he called for "the founding of a racial empire whose only natural, spiritual and political aims shall be God and Africa, at home and abroad."

Tony Martin stated that when Garvey returned to Jamaica and established UNIA, he displayed "a burning desire to rescue his people from ignorance and poverty".Cronan believed that Garvey exhibited "antipathy and distrust for any but the darkest-skinned Negroes".Garvey accused Du Bois and NAACP of promoting "amalgamation or general miscegenation". Garvey was willing to collaborate with white supremacists in the U.S. to achieve his aims. They were willing to work with him because his approach effectively acknowledged the idea that the U.S. should be a country exclusively for white people and would abandon campaigns for advanced rights for African-Americans within the U.S.

Pan-Africanism [ edit ] In the wake of the First World War, Garvey called for the formation of "a United Africa for the Africans of the World".Garvey never visited Africa himself. Garvey did not believe that all African-Americans should migrate to Africa, but that instead only an elite selection, namely those of the purest African blood, should do so. The rest of the African-American population, he believed, should remain in the United States, where they would be extinct within fifty years. He promoted ideas of racial separatism, but did not stress the idea of racial superiority.

Wheresoever I go, whether it is England, France or Germany, I am told, "This is a white man's country." Wheresoever I travel throughout the United States of America, I am made to understand that I am a "nigger". If the Englishman claims England as his native habitat, and the Frenchman claims France, the time has come for 400 million Negroes to claim Africa as their native land... If you believe that the Negro should have a place in the sun; if you believe that Africa should be one vast empire, controlled by the Negro, then arise.

'-- Garvey, August 1920

Garvey's critics thought that his views of Africa were romanticised and ignorant. The Jamaican writer and poet Claude McKay for instance noted that Garvey "talks of Africa as if it were a little island in the Caribbean Sea.The scholar of African-American studies Wilson S. Moses stated that rather than respecting indigenous African cultures, Garvey's views of an ideal united Africa were based on "the imperial model of Victorian England". When extolling the glories of Africa, he cited the ancient Egyptians and Ethiopians who had built empires and large-scale buildings, which he saw as evidence of civilisation, rather than the smaller-scale societies of other parts of the continent. Moses thought that Garvey "had more affinity for the pomp and tinsel of European imperialism than he did for black African tribal life".

Garvey's envisioned Africa was to be a one-party state in which the president could have "absolute authority" to appoint "all his lieutenants from cabinet ministers, governors of States and Territories, administrators and judges to minor offices". According to Moses, the future African state which Garvey envisioned was "authoritarian, elitist, collectivist, racist, and capitalistic", suggesting that it would have resembled the Haitian government of Fran§ois Duvalier. Garvey told the historian J. A. Rogers that he and his followers were "the first fascists", adding that "Mussolini copied Fascism from me, but the Negro reactionaries sabotaged it". He argued that mixed-race people would be bred out of existence; this hostility to black people not deemed of "pure" African blood was an idea that Garvey shared with Blyden.

A proponent of the Back-to-Africa movement, Garvey called for a vanguard of educated and skilled African-Americans to travel to West Africa, a journey facilitated by his Black Star Line. Garvey stated that "The majority of us may remain here, but we must send our scientists, our mechanics and our artisans and let them build railroads, let them build the great educational and other institutions necessary", after which other members of the African diaspora could join them. He was aware that the majority of African-Americans would not want to move to Africa until it had the more modern comforts that they had become accustomed to in the U.S.

Economic views [ edit ] Economically, he supported capitalism, stating that "capitalism is necessary to the progress of the world, and those who unreasonably and wantonly oppose or fight against it are enemies to human advancement." He proposed that no individual should be allowed to control more than one million dollars and no company more than five million.

In Garvey's opinion, "without commerce and industry, a people perish economically. The Negro is perishing because he has no economic system".In the U.S., he promoted a capitalistic ethos for the economic development of the African-American community. He wanted to achieve greater financial independence for the African-American community, believing that it would ensure greater protection from discrimination. He admired Booker T. Washington's economic endeavours although was critical of his individualistic focus: Garvey believed African-American interests would best be advanced if businesses included collective decision making and group profit sharing. While in Harlem, he envisioned the formation of a global network of black people trading amongst themselves, believing that his Black Star Line would contribute to this aim. His emphasis on capitalist ventures meant, according to Grant, that Garvey "was making a straight pitch to the petit-bourgeois capitalist instinct of the majority of black folk."

There is no evidence that Garvey was ever sympathetic to socialism. He viewed the communist movement as a white person's creation that was not in the interests of African-Americans. He stated that communism was "a dangerous theory of economic or political reformation because it seeks to put government in the hands of an ignorant white mass who have not been able to destroy their natural prejudices towards Negroes and other non-white people. While it may be a good thing for them, it will be a bad thing for the Negroes who will fall under the government of the most ignorant, prejudiced class of the white race." He urged African-Americans not to support the Communist Party.

Black Christianity [ edit ] Whilst our God has no color, yet it is human to see everything through one's own spectacles, and since the white people have seen their God through white spectacles, we have only now started out (late though it be) to see our God through our own spectacles.

'-- Garvey, on viewing God as black, 1923

Grant noted that "Garveyism would always remain a secular movement with a strong under-tow of religion".

Garvey sought to create a black religion, with Cronon suggesting that Garvey promoted "racist ideas about religion".Garvey emphasised the idea of black people worshipping a God who was also depicted as black. In doing so, he did not make use of pre-existing forms of black-dominant religion. Garvey had little experience with these, having attended a white-run Wesleyan congregation as a child and later converting to Roman Catholicism.Reflecting his own Catholicism, he wanted this black-centric Christianity to be as close to Roman Catholicism as possible.

Personality and personal life [ edit ] Physically, Garvey was short and stocky. He suffered from asthma, and was prone to lung infections; throughout his adult life he was affected by bouts of pneumonia. Tony Martin called Garvey a "restless young man", while Grant thought that in his early years Garvey had a "na¯ve but determined personality". Grant noted that Garvey "possessed a single-mindedness of purpose that left no room for the kind of spectacular failure that was always a possibility".

He was eloquent and a good orator, with Cronon suggesting that his "peculiar gift of oratory" stemmed from "a combination of bombast and stirring heroics". Grant described Garvey's public speeches as "strange and eclectic - part evangelical ['...] partly formal King's English, and part lilting Caribbean speechifying".Garvey enjoyed arguing with people, and wanted to be seen as a learned man; he read widely, particularly in history. Cronon suggested that "Garvey's florid style of writing and speaking, his fondness for appearing in a richly colored cap and gown, and his use of the initials "D.C.L." after his name were but crude attempts to compensate" for his lack of formal academic qualifications. Grant thought Garvey was an "extraordinary salesman who'd developed a philosophy where punters weren't just buying into a business but were placing a down payment on future black redemption." Even his enemies acknowledged that he was a skilled organiser and promoter.

For Grant, Garvey was "a man of grand, purposeful gestures". He thought that the black nationalist leader was an "ascetic" who had "conservative tastes". Garvey was a teetotaller who regarded alcohol consumption as morally reprehensible. He placed value on courtesy and respect, discouraging loutishness among his supporters.He enjoyed dressing up in military costumes. Grant noted that Garvey had a "tendency to overstate his achievements".In 1947, the Jamaican historian J. A. Rogers included Garvey in his book, the World's Great Men of Colour, where he noted that "had [Garvey] ever come to power, he would have been another Robespierre", resorting to violence and terror to enforce his ideas.

In 1919, he married Amy Ashwood in a Roman Catholic ceremony, although they separated after three months. The New York court would not grant Garvey a divorce, but he later obtained one in Jackson County, Missouri. Ashwood contested the legitimacy of this divorce and for the rest of her life maintained that she was Garvey's legitimate spouse. Garvey collected antique ceramics and enjoyed going around antique shops and flea markets searching for items to add to his collection.

Reception and legacy [ edit ] Garvey attracted attention chiefly because he put into powerful ringing phrases the secret thoughts of the Negro world. He told his listeners what they wanted to hear'--that a black skin was not a badge of shame but rather a glorious symbol of national greatness. He promised a Negro nation in the African homeland that would be the marvel of the modern world. He pointed to Negro triumphs in the past and described in glowing syllables the glories of the future. When Garvey spoke of the greatness of the race, Negroes everywhere could forget for a moment the shame of discrimination and the horrors of lynching.

'-- Edmund David Cronon 1955

Garvey was a polarizing figure. Grant noted that he was "revered and reviled in equal measure", and that views on him divided largely between two camps, "one that wants to skewer him as a charlatan and the other that seeks to elevate him to the status of a saint". Cronon noted that different perspectives on him had been offered, and that he was varyingly views as "strident demagogue or dedicated prophet, martyred visionary or fabulous con man?"

While living in the U.S., he was often referred to'--sometimes sarcastically'--as the "Negro Moses", implying that like the Old Testament figure, he would lead his people out of their situation. Grant described Garvey as "Jamaica's first national hero". Martin noted that by the time Garvey returned to Jamaica in the 1920s, he was "just about the best known Black man in the whole world." His ideas influenced many black people who never became paying members of UNIA.He noted that in the years following Garvey's death, his life was primarily presented by his political opponents. Critics like Du Bois often mocked him for his outfits and the grandiose titles he gave to himself; in their view, he was embarrassingly pretentious. According to Grant, much of the established African-American middle-class were "perplexed and embarrassed" by Garvey, who thought that the African-American working classes should turn to their leadership rather than his. Concerns were also raised that his violent language was inflaming many Garveyites to carry out violent acts against his critics.

In 1955, Cronon described Garvey as someone who "awakened fires of Negro nationalism that have yet to be extinguished". Cronon added that while Garvey "achieved little in the way of permanent improvement for his people, ['...] he did help to point out the fires that smolder in the Negro world." For Cronon, "Garvey's work was important largely because more than any other single leader he helped to give Negroes everywhere a reborn feeling of collective pride and a new awareness of individual worth." Grant thought that Garvey, along with Du Bois, deserved to be seen as the "father of Pan-Africanism". The Nigerian historian B. Steiner Ifekwe called him "one of the greatest Pan-African leaders of the time".

Garvey has received praise from those who see him as a "race patriot". Many African-Americans see Garvey as having encouraged a sense of self-respect among black people. In 2008, the American writer Ta-Nehisi Coates described Garvey as the "patron saint" of the black nationalist movement.Writing for The Black Scholar in 1972, the scholar of African-American studies Wilson S. Moses expressed concern about "that uncritical adulation of him that leads to the practice of red baiting and to the divisive rhetoric of "Blacker-than-thou"" within African-American political circles. He argued that Garvey was wrongly seen as a "man of the people" because he had been born to a petty bourgeoise background and had "enjoyed cultural, economic, and educational advantages few of his black contemporaries were priviledged [sic] as to know."

In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Garvey on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.[401]

Influence [ edit ] In Jamaica, Garvey was largely forgotten in the years after his death, but interest in him was revived by the Rastafari religious movement. Jacques wrote a book about her late husband, Garvey and Garveyism, and after finding that no publishers were interested in it she self-published the volume in 1963. In 1975 the reggae artist Burning Spear released the album Marcus Garvey.

Interest in Garvey's ideas would also be revived in the 1960s through the growth of independent states across Africa and the emergence of the Black Power movement in the United States. In his autobiography, Kwame Nkrumah, the prominent Pan-Africanist activist who became Ghana's first post-independence president, acknowledged having been influenced by Garvey. The flag that Ghana adopted when it became independent adopted the colours of UNIA. In November 1964, Garvey's body was removed from West Kensal Green Cemetery and taken to Jamaica. There, it lay in state in Kingston's Roman Catholic Cathedral before a motorcade took it to King George VI Memorial Park, where it was again buried.

The Flag of Ghana adopted the same colours used by UNIA

During a trip to Jamaica, Martin Luther King and his wife Coretta Scott King visited Garvey's shrine on 20 June 1965 and laid a wreath.[403] In a speech he told the audience that Garvey "was the first man of color to lead and develop a mass movement. He was the first man on a mass scale and level to give millions of Negroes a sense of dignity and destiny. And make the Negro feel he was somebody."[404]Vietnamese Communist revolutionary Ho Chi Minh said Garvey and Korean nationalists shaped his political outlook during his stay in America.[405]

In the 1980s, Garvey's two sons launched a campaign requesting that the U.S. government issue a pardon for their father. In this they had the support of Harlem Congressman Charles Rangel. In 2006, Jamaican Prime Minister Portia Simpson-Miller tasked various Jamaican lawyers with investigating how they could assist this campaign. The Obama Administration declined to pardon Garvey in 2011, writing that its policy is not to consider requests for posthumous pardons.[406]

There have been several proposals to make a biopic of Garvey's life. Those mentioned in connection with the role of Garvey have included the Jamaican-born actor Kevin Navayne[407][408] and the British-born actor of Jamaican descent Delroy Lindo.[409][410]

Garvey as religious symbol [ edit ] Garvey never regarded himself as a religious visionary although was perceived as such by some of his followers. Various Bedwardites for example regarded him as the reincarnation of Moses.

Garvey and Garveyism was a key influence on Rastafari, a new religious movement that appeared in 1930 Jamaica.According to the scholar of religion Maboula Soumahoro, Rastafari "emerged from the socio-political ferment inaugurated by Marcus Garvey", while for the sociologist Ernest Cashmore, Garvey was the "most important" precursor of the Rastafari movement. Rastafari does not promote all of the views that Garvey espoused, but nevertheless shares many of the same perspectives. Garvey knew of the Rastas from his time in Jamaica during the 1930s but his view of them, according to the scholar Barry Chevannes, "bordered on scorn". According to Chevannes, Garvey would have regarded the Rastas' belief in the divinity of Haile Selassie as blasphemy. Many Rastas regarding Garvey as a prophet, believing that he prophesied the crowning of Haile Selassie in a similar manner to how John the Baptist prophesied the coming of Jesus Christ. Many legends and tales are told about him within Jamaica's Rasta community. Many attribute him with supernatural attributes, for instance there is a tale told about him'--and also independently told about the pioneering Rasta Leonard Howell'--that Garvey miraculously knew that his bath had been poisoned and refused to get into it. Other stories among Jamaica's Rastas hold that Garvey never really died and remained alive, perhaps living in Africa. Some Rastas also organise meetings, known as Nyabinghi Issemblies, to mark Garvey's birthday.

Memorials [ edit ] Garvey is remembered through a number of memorials worldwide. Most of them are in Jamaica, England and the United States; others are in Canada and several nations in Africa.

A Jamaican 20-dollar coin shows Garvey on its face.

Jamaica [ edit ] Garvey's birthplace, 32 Market Street, St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica, has a marker signifying it as a site of importance in the nation's history.[424] His likeness was on the 20-dollar coin and 25-cent coin of the Jamaican dollar.[425]

Marcus Garvey Day [ edit ] In 2012 the Jamaican government declared August 17 as Marcus Garvey Day. The Governor General's proclamation stated "from here on every year this time, all of us here in Jamaica will be called to mind to remember this outstanding National Hero and what he has done for us as a people, and our children will call this to mind also on this day" and went on to say "to proclaim and make known that the 17th Day of August in each year shall be designated as Marcus Garvey Day and shall so be observed."[426]

United States [ edit ] The Brownsville neighborhood in Brooklyn, New York City, is home to Marcus Garvey Village, whose construction was completed in 1976.[427] This building complex is home to the first energy storage microgrid at an affordable housing property in the country. It will use the energy storage system to cut electricity costs, improve grid reliability, and provide backup power during extended outages.[428]

See also [ edit ] African-American literatureThe Black King (film)Double-duty dollarMarcus Garvey: Look for me in the WhirlwindRight of returnMarcus Garvey Prize for Human RightsReferences [ edit ] [ edit ] ^ "DNA used to reveal MLK and Garvey's European Lineage". The Gio. 13 January 2011 . Retrieved 16 May 2019 . ^ Stein, Judith (1991). The world of Marcus Garvey : race and class in modern society. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP. pp. 154''56. ISBN 978-0-8071-1670-8. ^ Compiled by Amy Jacques Garvey; with a new intro. by Essien-Udom (2013). The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey Africa for the Africans (2nd ed.). Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. p. 71. ISBN 978-1-136-23106-3. ^ Martin, Tony (2001). Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Majority Press, US; 2nd Revised edition (1 Jan. 2001). p. 160. ISBN 978-0912469232 . Retrieved 17 August 2018 . ^ a b Hill, Robert A., ed. (1987). Marcus Garvey: Life and Lessons. University of California Press. p. lvii. ISBN 9780520908710 . Retrieved 10 May 2010 . ^ "Jamaica National Heritage Trust - Jamaica - Monument Rt Excellent Marcus Garvey". Jnht.com. ^ Monument to the Rt. Excellent Marcus Garvey" Archived 2007-12-30 at the Wayback Machine, Georgia Brown, The Jamaica National Heritage Trust, 2006, accessed January 03 2018. ^ De Barra (2018), page 71 ^ The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers: The Caribbean diaspora, 1920-1921. 1983. ISBN 9780520044562. ^ Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books; ISBN 1-57392-963-8 ^ "Martin Luther King Jr. visits Jamaica" Archived 8 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine, Jamaica Gleaner, 20 June 1965. ^ Salley, Columbus, "The Black 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential African-Americans, Past and Present", Citadel Press, 1999, p. 82. ^ Debolt, Abbe A; Baugess, James S (12 December 2011). Encyclopedia of the Sixties: A Decade of Culture and Counterculture [2 volumes]: A Decade of Culture and Counterculture. ISBN 9781440801020. ^ Walker, Karyl, "No Pardon for Garvey Archived 8 November 2011 at the Wayback Machine", Jamaica Observer, 21 August 2011. ^ Castle, Stan (3 April 2012). "Marcus Garvey Movie Biopic In The Works". Atlanta Black Star . Retrieved 12 February 2016 . ^ "Kevin Navayne to Star in Marcus Garvey Biopic". The Reel Network. 21 May 2014 . Retrieved 12 February 2016 . ^ Rao, Sameer (7 December 2015). "Delroy Lindo to Star as Marcus Garvey in Upcoming Biopic". ColorLines . Retrieved 12 February 2016 . ^ Taylor, F. (16 December 2015). "Actor Delroy Lindo to Play the Great Marcus Garvey in Upcoming Biographical Movie to Be Released..When?". Urban Intellectuals . Retrieved 12 February 2016 . ^ 32 Market Street, 16 March 2013. ^ "Bank of Jamaica | Coins". Boj.org.jm . Retrieved 22 February 2019 . ^ "Gov't Declares August 17 Marcus Garvey Day". Jamaican Information Service. Government of Jamaica. 17 August 2012 . Retrieved 10 July 2018 . ^ Bellafante, Ginia (1 June 2013). "In Marcus Garvey Village, a Housing Solution Gone Awry". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331 . Retrieved 6 July 2017 . ^ "Marcus Garvey Apartments - Clean Energy Group". Clean Energy Group . Retrieved 6 July 2017 . Sources [ edit ] Barrett, Leonard E. (1997) [1988]. The Rastafarians. Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 9780807010396. Carter, Shawn (2002). "The Economic Philosophy of Marcus Garvey". Western Journal of Black Studies. 26 (1): 1''5. Cashmore, E. Ellis (1983). Rastaman: The Rastafarian Movement in England (second ed.). London: Counterpoint. ISBN 978-0-04-301164-5. Chevannes, Barry (1994). Rastafari: Roots and Ideology . Utopianism and Communitarianism Series. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0815602965. Clarke, Peter B. (1986). Black Paradise: The Rastafarian Movement. New Religious Movements Series. Wellingborough: The Aquarian Press. ISBN 978-0-85030-428-2. Coates, Ta-Nehisi (May 2008). "This Is How We Lost to the White Man". The Atlantic . Retrieved 13 June 2019 . Cronon, Edmund David (1955). Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association . Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Edmonds, Ennis B. (2012). Rastafari: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199584529. Grant, Colin (2008). Negro with a Hat: The Rise and Fall of Marcus Garvey. London: Jonathan Cape. ISBN 978-0099501459. Ifekwe, B. Steiner (2008). "Rastafarianism in Jamaica as a Pan-African Protest Movement". Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. 17: 106''122. JSTOR 41857150. Martin, Tony (1983). Marcus Garvey: Hero. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press. ISBN 978-0912469058. Moses, Wilson S. (1972). "Marcus Garvey: A Reappraisal". The Black Scholar. 4 (3): 38''49. JSTOR 41163608. Soumahoro, Maboula (2007). "Christianity on Trial: The Nation of Islam and the Rastafari, 1930''1950". In Theodore Louis Trost (ed.). The African Diaspora and the Study of Religion. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 35''48. ISBN 978-1403977861. Further reading [ edit ] Works by Garvey [ edit ] The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. Edited by Amy Jacques Garvey. 412 pages. Majority Press; Centennial edition, 1 November 1986. ISBN 0-912469-24-2. Avery edition. ISBN 0-405-01873-8.Message to the People: The Course of African Philosophy by Marcus Garvey. Edited by Tony Martin. Foreword by Hon. Charles L. James, president- general, Universal Negro Improvement Association. 212 pages. Majority Press, 1 March 1986. ISBN 0-912469-19-6.The Poetical Works of Marcus Garvey. Compiled and edited by Tony Martin. 123 pages. Majority Press, 1 June 1983. ISBN 0-912469-02-1.Hill, Robert A., editor. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Vols. I-VII, IX. University of California Press, c. 1983'' (ongoing). 1146 pages. University of California Press, 1 May 1991. ISBN 0-520-07208-1.Hill, Robert A., editor. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers: Africa for the Africans 1921''1922. 740 pages. University of California Press, 1 February 1996. ISBN 0-520-20211-2.Books [ edit ] Burkett, Randall K. Garveyism as a Religious Movement: The Institutionalization of a Black Civil Religion. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press and American Theological Library Association, 1978.Campbell, Horace. Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1987.Clarke, John Henrik, editor. Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa. With assistance from Amy Jacques Garvey. New York: Vintage Books, 1974.Dagnini, J(C)r(C)mie Kroubo, "Marcus Garvey: A Controversial Figure in the History of Pan-Africanism", Journal of Pan African Studies, vol. 2, no. 3, March 2008.Ewing, Adam. The Age of Garvey: How a Jamaican Activist Created a Mass Movement and Changed Global Black Politics (Princeton, 2014) contentsGarvey, Amy Jacques, Garvey and Garveyism. London: Collier-MacMillan, 1963, 1968.Hill, Robert A., editor. Marcus Garvey, Life and Lessons: A Centennial Companion to the Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987.Hill, Robert A. The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Vols. I''VII, IX. University of California Press, c. 1983'' (ongoing).James, Winston. Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America. London: Verso, 1998.Kearse, Gregory S. "Prince Hall's Charge of 1792: An Assertion of African Heritage." Heredom, Vol. 20. Washington, D.C. Scottish Rite Research Society, 2012, p. 275.Kornweibel Jr., Theodore. Seeing Red: Federal Campaigns Against Black Militancy 1919''1925. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998.Lemelle, Sidney, and Robin D. G. Kelley. Imagining Home: Class, Culture, and Nationalism in the African Diaspora. London: Verso, 1994.Lewis, Rupert, and Maureen Warner-Lewis. Garvey: Africa, Europe, The Americas. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1986, 1994.Manoedi, M. Korete. Garvey and Africa. New York: New York Age Press, 1922.Martin, Tony. Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggle of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976.Martin, Tony. Literary Garveyism: Garvey, Black Arts, and the Harlem Renaissance. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983.Martin, Tony. African Fundamentalism: A Literary and Cultural Anthology of Garvey's Harlem Renaissance. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983, 1991.Martin, Tony. The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983.Martin, Tony. The Poetical Works of Marcus Garvey. Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1983.Smith-Irvin, Jeannette. Marcus Garvey's Footsoldiers of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1989.Solomon, Mark. The Cry Was Unity: Communists and African-Americans, 1917''1936. Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1998.Stein, Judith. The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986.Tolbert, Emory J. The UNIA and Black Los Angeles. Los Angeles: Center of Afro-American Studies, University of California, 1980.Vincent, Theodore. Black Power and the Garvey Movement. Berkeley, Calif.: Ramparts Press, 1971.External links [ edit ] BBC Radio 4 programme about Marcus Garvey '' listen online:Lanset, Andy, "Marcus Garvey: 20th Century Pan-Africanist". A Public Radio Documentary onlineMarcus Garvey at Find a GraveAyanna Gillian, "Garvey's Legacy in Context: Colourism, Black Movements and African Nationalism", Race and History, 17 August 2005Marcus Garvey: Look for Me in the Whirlwind. PBS documentary filmUNIA website.Marcus Garvey economic principlesMarcus Garvey speaks '' text and audioPoem '' Ras Nasibu of the Ogaden"Information '' People: Marcus Garvey", Black Atlantic Rersource, University of Liverpool.Newspaper clippings about Marcus Garvey in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

James Wormley Jones - Wikipedia

Mon, 18 Nov 2019 13:58

James Wormley Jones (September 22, 1884 '' December 11, 1958) was an African-American policeman and World War I veteran, and is best known for having been the first African-American FBI special agent.[1]

Early life [ edit ] Jones was born in Fort Monroe, Virginia. At a young age he moved with his family to Cambridge, Massachusetts where he completed his early education. He would return to Virginia where he took up studies at Norfolk Mission College and a year later went to complete his education at Virginia Union University.

Police career [ edit ] Jones began service with the Washington Metropolitan Police Department in January 1905. He rose from being a footman to a horseman then a motorcycle policeman. His work resulted in being promoted to detective. During this time he and his wife Ethel T. Jones became the parents of two children. Their son John B. Jones was born in 1910. Their daughter Mildred was born in 1915.

Military exploits [ edit ] In 1917 Jones joined the United States Army. He was trained as an officer at the Officer's Training School in Des Moines, Iowa. Once his training was complete he was given a commission as a captain. He was assigned to the 368th Infantry in command of company F.

After his company was sent to France in 1918, he saw action in the Vosges Mountains, Argonne Sector, and the Metz front. "Neither can I individualize respecting the magnificent valor of the men of the company led by Captain Jones in this engagement, which Secretary Baker himself praised. When the awful bombardment died away, just as the gray streaks of early dawn pierced the night's blackness, which was made grayer by a thick heavy fog, the Captain ordered a charge 'over the top' with fixed bayonets; through the treacherous fog and into no-man-knew-what or seemed to care. The first wave, or detachment, went over with a cheer---a triumphant cheer---and the second wave followed their comrades with a dash. It may, perhaps, be best to let these boys and officers tell with their own lips of the terrific, murderous shell, shrapnel, gas, and machine-gun fire which baptized them, only to make them the more hardened and intrepid warriors; of how they contended every inch; fought with marvelous valor, never for an instant faltering. Trench after trench of the enemy was entered and conquered; dugout after dugout was successfully grenaded and made safe for the boys to follow; wires were cut and communicating trenches explored; machine-gun nests were raided and silenced, and still the boys fought their way on. Of course, as a natural sequence to such a daring raid, there were casualties, but the black soldiers, heroes as they were, never flinched at death, and the wounded were too proud of their achievements even to murmur because of the pain they endured. Captain Jones and his men took over a mile of land and trenches which for four years had been held by the Germans. The newspapers have given due and proper credit to the Americans for this daring raid, but the world has not been informed that it was the colored soldiers of America, under Captain J. Wormley Jones, a former Washington, D. C.,. policeman, who made the charge that was as daring, and more successful, than the Tennyson-embalmed charge of 'The Light Brigade'."

During that time he became an instructor with the 92nd Division School of Specialists. His work there resulted in his being promoted to senior instructor. With the war's end in 1918 he resigned his post and resumed his work at the Metropolitan Police.

FBI and Marcus Garvey [ edit ] Jones's application to join the FBI

Jones was appointed as the first African-American special agent on November 19, 1919 by Bureau of Investigation director A. Bruce Bielaski. Jones was assigned to a new section of the Justice Department created to track the activities of groups perceived as subversive. His work there was under the direct supervision of J. Edgar Hoover.

During his time in the FBI, Jones served in New York City and Pittsburgh. In New York he was assigned to infiltrate the Universal Negro Improvement Association under the leadership of Marcus Garvey. Although he was seeking evidence of subversive activities during the "Red Scare" of 1919, Jones' work led to the arrest and trial of Garvey on mail fraud charges.

While conducting his surveillance, Jones adopted the code number 800 for his reports, and was also known as agent "800".[2] He apparently knew that his clandestine role was not well concealed. During a March 1920 speech at the UNIA Liberty Hall he took special pains to point out to the audience that he was indeed of African ancestry, although he had the appearance of a person of Caucasian or European ancestry. Nevertheless, he engendered the trust of the UNIA leadership to such an extent that he was able to gain responsibility for registering all incoming correspondence. His access to UNIA correspondence along with his position as Adjutant General in the African Legion were essential in enabling his information gathering activities.

In August 1921 Jones began conducting similar surveillance on the African Blood Brotherhood. Eventually recognized as an ex-police officer, Jones was no longer an asset as a clandestine agent and he resigned from the Bureau on April 14, 1923.

Jones died December 11, 1958 in Dormont, Pennsylvania.

Further reading [ edit ] Athan G. Theoharis, The FBI: A Comprehensive Reference Guide, 1998 (409 pages), p. 335..Robert A. Hill, Marcus Garvey, Universal Negro Improvement Association, The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers: 1826-August 1919.Mitchel P. Roth, Historical Dictionary of Law Enforcement.Emmett J. Scott, AM., LL.D. Scott's Official History of the American Negro in the World War.References [ edit ] External links [ edit ] People and Events - J. Edgar HooverNegro Heroes of the War, Chapter XVIII: Captain Jones and His Gallant FightersFederal Surveillance of African-Americans (1917-1925): The First World War, the Red Scare, and the Garvey Movement

Louis Lomax - Wikipedia

Mon, 18 Nov 2019 13:57

Louis Emanuel Lomax (August 16, 1922 '' July 30, 1970) was an African-American journalist and author. He was also the first African-American television journalist.[1]

Early years [ edit ] Lomax was born in Valdosta, Georgia.[2] His parents were Emanuel C. Smith and Sarah Louise Lomax.[1] Lomax attended Paine College in Augusta, Georgia, where he became editor of the student newspaper before he graduated in 1942.[3] He pursued graduate studies at American University, where he was awarded an M.A. in 1944, and Yale University, where he earned a Ph.D. in 1947.[4]

Lomax was married three times. His first wife was Betty Frank (1958''1961),[5] his second was Wanda Kay (1961''1967),[6] and his third was Robinette Kirk (1968''1970).[7]

Career [ edit ] Lomax began his journalism career at the Afro-American and the Chicago Defender. These two newspapers focused on news that interested African-American readers.[2] In 1958, he became the first African-American television journalist when he joined WNTA-TV in New York.[8][9]

In 1959, Lomax told his colleague Mike Wallace about the Nation of Islam. Lomax and Wallace produced a five-part documentary about the organization, The Hate That Hate Produced, which aired during the week of July 13, 1959. The program was the first time most white people heard about the Nation and its leader, Elijah Muhammad, as well as its charismatic spokesman, Malcolm X.[10]

Lomax later became a freelance writer, and his articles were published in publications such as Harper's, Life Pageant, The Nation, and The New Leader.[3] His subjects included the Civil Rights Movement, the Nation of Islam, and the Black Panther Party.[4] In 1961, he was awarded the Anisfield-Wolf Book Award for his book, The Reluctant African.[11]

From 1964 to 1968, Lomax hosted a semi-weekly television program on KTTV in Los Angeles.[4] Lomax also spoke frequently on college campuses.[2]

Lomax was a supporter of several civil rights organizations, including the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC).[12] In 1968, he signed the "Writers and Editors War Tax Protest" pledge, vowing to refuse tax payments in protest against U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.[13]

The Federal Bureau of Investigation maintained a file on Lomax containing over 150 pages.[1] According to the Lowndes County Historical Society and Museum, the file "consists of letters, telegraphs, FBI inter-office memos, newspaper clippings; copies of speeches and several sheets headed FBI Deleted Page Information Sheet."[1]

Death [ edit ] Lomax had received a $15,000 Esso Foundation grant and was writing a three-volume work about black history at the time of his death.[1][14][15] On July 30, 1970, Lomax was returning to New York after completing a lecture tour on the West Coast when he died in a car accident along Interstate 40, 26 miles east of Santa Rosa, New Mexico.[14] Witnesses reported that he was traveling at a high rate of speed on the double-laned highway and lost control of his rented Ford station wagon while attempting to pass another motorist.[14] An investigation by New Mexico State Police determined that Lomax was not wearing his seatbelt and was ejected from his car after it overturned three times.[14] Pronounced dead at the scene, he died due to head and internal injuries.[16] His body was identified by his Hofstra class ring.[15][16]

Karl Evanzz, a staff writer for The Washington Post, wrote in his 1992 book The Judas Factor: The Plot to Kill Malcolm X that Lomax was working on a documentary concerning the role played by the FBI in the death of Malcolm X, and that Lomax's own death may have been connected to that project.[17]

Selected works [ edit ] The Reluctant African (1960)The Negro Revolt (1962)When the Word Is Given: A Report on Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X, and the Black Muslim World (1963)Thailand: The War That Is, The War That Will Be (1967)To Kill a Black Man: The Shocking Parallel in the Lives of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. (1968)References [ edit ] ^ a b c d e Lowndes County Historical Society and Museum. "Louis E. Lomax". Valdostamuseum.com. Lowndes County Historical Society and Museum . Retrieved October 25, 2014 . ^ a b c "Louis E. Lomax". Reporting Civil Rights. Library of America . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . ^ a b "Louis Lomax Bio and Notes". ChickenBones: A Journal . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . ^ a b c Griote, Simond. "Life and Times of Louis E. Lomax". Gibbs Magazine . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . ^ "Wife Divorces Writer Lomax in Mexico". Jet. June 22, 1961. p. 24 . Retrieved January 1, 2010 . ^ "Wife of Author Louis Lomax Sues for Divorce". Jet. February 23, 1967. p. 22 . Retrieved January 1, 2010 . ^ "Louis Lomax Weds TV Assistant, Resigns as TV Host". Jet. March 21, 1968. p. 14 . Retrieved January 1, 2010 . ^ Newkirk, Pamela (2002). Within the Veil: Black Journalists, White Media. New York: New York University Press. p. xxv. ISBN 0-8147-5800-2. ^ Murray, Michael D. (1999). Encyclopedia of Television News. Phoenix: Oryx Press. p. 203. ISBN 1-57356-108-8. ^ Joseph, Peniel E. (2006). Waiting 'til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. New York: Henry Holt and Company. pp. 21''23. ISBN 0-8050-7539-9. ^ "Anisfield-Wolf Book Awards". lovethebook.com . Retrieved October 2, 2011 . ^ "Louis Lomax". Columbia Center for New Media Teaching and Learning . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . ^ Writers and Editors War Tax Protest". January 30, 1968. New York Post. ^ a b c d "Author Louis Lomax Killed In New Mexico Auto Accident". Jet. August 20, 1970. pp. 48''49 . Retrieved April 23, 2016 . ^ a b "Negro Author Killed". Reading Eagle. Reading, Pennsylvania. August 1, 1970. p. 8 . Retrieved April 23, 2016 . ^ a b "Louis Lomax, 47, killed in mishap". The Afro-American. Baltimore, Maryland. August 8, 1970. p. 21 . Retrieved April 23, 2016 . ^ Evanzz, Karl (1992). The Judas Factor: The Plot to Kill Malcolm X. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press. pp. xxiv, 318. ISBN 1-56025-049-6. External links [ edit ] Louis Lomax on IMDb"Journalist Louis Lomax Interviews Elijah Muhammad" (Video) . The Hate That Hate Produced. Columbia Center for New Media Teaching and Learning. July 1959 . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . "Journalist Louis Lomax Asks Malcolm About the University of Islam" (Video) . The Hate That Hate Produced. Columbia Center for New Media Teaching and Learning. July 1959 . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . Lomax, Louis E. (June 1, 1960). "The Negro Revolt Against 'The Negro Leaders". Harper's . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . Lomax, Louis (1963). "A Summing Up: Louis Lomax interviews Malcolm X". When the Word Is Given. TeachingAmericanHistory.org . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . Denney, Jane (December 14, 1965). "4,100 See Lomax, Buckley Debate in Gym". The Sundial . Retrieved March 28, 2009 . "Louis Lomax, 47, Dies in Car Crash". The New York Times. August 1, 1970 . Retrieved September 15, 2018 . Rao, Sameer (August 16, 2018). "#TBT: Remembering Louis E. Lomax, America's First Black TV Newsman". ColorLines . Retrieved September 15, 2018 . A Guide to the Louis E. Lomax papers, 82-30. Special Collections, University Libraries, University of Nevada, Reno

Music in this episode

The Firm - Phone Tap (Instrumental)

Wake up Suite - School Daze

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Nov 18, 2019
14: Victimization Mentailty

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for November 12th 2019, Episode number 14

Victimization Mentality

Shownotes

Adam and Moe take a trip through time to understand the roots and continuation of the victimization mentality that continues to be used for exploitation of the races.

Music in this episode

Affirmative Action (Instrumental)

Charles Bradley - Victim of Love

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Nov 12, 2019
13: Deconstructing Kanye

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for October 28th 2019, Episode number 13

Deconstructing Kanye

Shownotes

Adam and Moe discuss Kanye West's newest album and interview with Big Boy TV and how Kanye relates to politics, "The Culture" and his inenvitable run for office.

Music in this episode

Kanye West - POWER (Instrumental)

Donal Leace - Today Won't Come Again

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Oct 28, 2019
12: White Guilt

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for October 21st 2019, Episode number 12

White Guilt

Shownotes

The History of White Supremacy, White Privelege and White Guilt

Moe and Adam talk about the Pod's Honest Truth of Racism in America

Music in this episode

Kanye West - Blame Game (Intsrumental)

War - The World is a Ghetto

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Oct 21, 2019
11: Alley-Oop

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for October 14th 2019, Episode number 11

TITLE

Shownotes

NBA beholden to China!

More than Just Sports.... it's politics and above all ... Hypocracy.

Music in this episode

Kurtis Blow - Basketball (Instrumental)

Stephen Cheng - Always Together

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Oct 14, 2019
10: Black and Blue

Show Notes

Moe Factz with Adam Curry for October 7th 2019, Episode number 10

Black and Blue

Shownotes

The Amber Guyger Stroy (For Real)

The Boule

Music in this episode

Dr Dre - Deep Cover (instrumental)

Al Green - Guilty

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Oct 07, 2019
09: One Drop

Episode number 9 where Moe and Adam look at colorism. Its origins, abuse and cultural significance

Our kind of people - Lawrence Otis Graham

The Bloule

The Kalergi Plan

Music in this episode

Wiz Khalifa - Black and Yellow (Intsrumental)

Curtis Mayfield - We are the people darker than blue

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Sep 30, 2019
08: Hell Up in Harlem

Episode number 8 where Moe and Adam dive deep into LGBTQ and Historical Elitist Control

Includes a healthy dose on conspiratorial thinking

Sep 23, 2019
07: Mo Money Mo Problems

Episode number 7 where Moe and Adam explore the latest beef surrounding Black Lives Matter

Sep 16, 2019
06: Meet The Parents

Episode number 6 where Moe and Adam delve deep into single parenthood and privelege of all kinds

Sep 09, 2019
05: Life's a Pitch

Episode number 5 where Moe and Adam look at the roots of the great Chicken Sadnwich War of August 2019

Aug 26, 2019
04: Facts and Fallacies

Episode number 4 where Moe and Adam deconstruct the '5 Problems of Black People'

Aug 19, 2019
03: Opportunity Zone

Episode number 3 where Moe and Adam reveal the true intentioins of Charlamagne The "Guard"

Aug 12, 2019
02: Nudge Machine

Episode number 2 where Moe and Adam get into the political targeting of Black women

Aug 05, 2019
01: Black Bots

Moe and Adam with their Pilot episode

Aug 03, 2019